When a woman's husband has died or has been murdered, she naturally enters a state of mourning. This involves daubing (painting) herself with white pipe-clay, so thickly, in fact, that nothing of her dark skin may be visible from the head downwards to around the breasts. In company with several friends she sits down in a secluded spot away from the camp area, and for the duration of the mourning period is not permitted to speak. Food and water are brought to her. When the important mourning days are over, she returns once more to the camp. The mourning, however, has not ended [absolutely], and so she still remains daubed in white. But she may now gather food again, in order to discharge her [social] obligations, for every local inhabitant who rendered some form of service during the sickness of her husband or at his burial receives some [token of] food from her. If distant friends of the deceased man put in an appearance, they first seat themselves around the widow and conduct a wailing session Reuther: "eine Trauerklage". When that is over, these friends are also waited on by the widow with some food. It is a matter of importance to a dead man's widow that she bewail her husband as much as possible, for if she were not to do this, the conclusion might be drawn that she is not sorry, and for that she could possibly be put to death. After some [further] time has elapsed, the neighbours consider they should take pity (kalumiltjamiltjarina) on the widow. They go over, and with their finger-nails scrape the pipe-clay from her body. In gratitude for this the dead man's next-of-kin provide the neighbours with a meal. Several men, [carrying] karku in their hands, now get up and creep stealthily forward to rub it over the once-sorrowing woman, as a sign that her period of mourning has now [fully] expired. The karku, as the symbol of joy, is red ochre. White, on the other hand, denotes sorrow. The woman finally prepares a large meal for her relatives and fellow-inhabitants of the camp, for she is now able to rejoice and even dance with them again. Her rights once more to talk to her friends are now also restored. Hitherto she was permitted to speak only to her very nearest of kin.
When buljuru is combined with the personal pronoun nauia he as in nauia puljuru it denotes an idiom or widower as long as he or she is involved in mourning over the deceased. Thereby I indicated the unworthiness of a married person without the other party, in as much as the death of a marriage partner reduces the relatives and survivors of the deceased to a certain status of shame and insignificance. Buljuru also describes a person who pursues his own ways, unconcerned about the laws of the old people. Such a person does not care about what has been commanded or forbidden since time immemorial. Therefore he is described by the disreputable term of buljuru.
Another form of dantjamana. Let us assume that a close relative has died and his corpse now lies there in front of them. The nearest of kin may not carry the deceased's body to the grave; this would surely break their hearts, forasmuch as death, in any circumstance, is the pagan's bitterest enemy. Who, now, shall carry the body to the grave? Even for an occasion like this provision has already been made. A young man and a young maiden, who, if the worst should come to the worst, are not in a [favourable] position to be given together in marriage through [the lack of] brothers or sisters, are placed in readiness to bury the deceased. In this way they are now given the opportunity to accept each other in marriage. It may, incidentally, be added that it is difficult for brothers to obtain a wife if they have no sisters, or for sisters who have no brothers that could act in their interests. Let us, now, further see how such young men and women are respected. The intended young man is called upon to carry the dead body to the grave. The corpse is lifted or to his head, while another man stands at his side. The intended young maid, who this day is to be united with the aforesaid, also steps forward and helps her future husband to carry [the body]. On arrival at the grave, the corpse is laid on the ground. The young pall-bearer (called a pirrapirra) and the young maid [next] step down into the grave together. The dead man is then placed into their arms, whereupon they bed him down in his grave. While the two [young folk] are carefully bedding the body down, a brother or one of the nearest relatives steps up to the grave, and says to the bystanders: jura naji pudlana? ngato ninaia dantjamai naria pirrapirrani do you see these two? I unite him as pall-bearer We would say: 'I confirm this marriage (or this matrimonial union) over the deceased, to whom these [two young people] have done a good deed'. On the occasion of some later celebration this marriage, already confirmed, is once more proclaimed in public, so that no one may lay any further claim on the young maiden who has now been given away in marriage. With that the marriage is legally binding and may not be challenged. While the two peoples' [names] are being pronounced in public, the following sign is sketched on the ground: Diagram 2 goes here. The semi-circle symbolizes a wind-break (katu), as one erects against the wind in a camp under the open sky at night. The two parallel lines signify the newly-wed couple, while the four dots, two on either side, [represent] lighted fires, between which (because of the nocturnal cold) 'native' people lie down to sleep.
This expression is used also when the name of a dead person is mentioned and thereby the old wound [of personal loss] is opened up again.
The fact is, when no flesh is cut from a dead body and eaten, the body is kissed (palku dapana).
so that one is thereby no longer reminded of the deceased.
If, for example, a man has been destined to die and no longer sees a way of escape, he stamps his feet on the ground and says: ninkida ngana naria nandrau, ninkida ngani nari parananto here me dead strike, here I dead want to be buried strike me dead right here; this is where I want to be buried
Why this expression? A widow, her face daubed (white-washed) with gypsum-clay, mourns for her dead husband at a lonely spot remote [from the camp]. She may neither wander about [in the bush], nor remain in camp. By wandering about, she could chance upon footprints by which she would recognise her husband. In camp, [on the other hand], where her husband lived, she would, of course, be constantly reminded of him. [So] that she might, at all events, soon forget her husband, she leaves in the morning at daybreak and returns again at night when it is growing dark. Hence the above expression. Usually, during her period of mourning, a widow passes the time of day at a spot in the direction opposite to that of her husband's grave.
[Such an attitude] is regarded as a sign of disrespect.
A small piece of flesh [taken] from a deceased friend is cooked and eaten, in order to dispel sadness. Should this have become impossible for someone, he smells around [at the place] where such flesh has been cooked.
The meaning is to feel a sense of pity for a dead man, when one is reminded of him at the sight of his footprints. nunkangu tidnani ngani kalumiltjamiltjariai, nau karari nari ja tidna nunkani parai to him footprints I am grieved, he now dead and footprints his (still) lie there I feel sad about those footprints (still visible on the wet ground); he has died, but his prints are still there
This is a kind of enquiry Reuther: "Totenfrage". into the death.
This is a special type of head-covering worn by the ring-leader of a vendetta group. naribillieli kalabai ngaiani morlalu ninkida kana kulno nandrala nganai the death-cap replies we certainly here man one slay will the death-cap on our ring-leader's head says that we are here [expressly] to slay a man in this camp The implied question is: [what do we want, an armed and disguised group?] The meaning of the sentence is: 'What is our purpose, as a stealthy, armed, and disguised group [of men]? Answer: the death-cap on our ring-leader's head says that we are here [expressly] to slay a man in this camp.
It is customary for a widow to evidence her gratitude from time to time to those men who have buried her husband, by giving them something to eat.
This is not regarded favourably, as far as widows are concerned. They are expected to attach themselves to a sister or some other relative, and not go from one camp to another. [Only] in very rare instances does a widow make herself culpable in this respect.
It is assumed that the soul of a person who has been struck dead [by a thunderclap], in contrast to the soul of a person who has died, wanders about inside the earth towards the south, and emerges there. If, soon after a murder has been committed, it thunders in the distance, this is [regarded as] a sign that the soul of the murder-victim is now coming up out of the ground. nauka mita-tali kadiwiriji nari kulnuni, nina pingali matja nandrana [warai or paraia he landslide is speaking (rumbling) dead man because of one, him blood-avenging troupe already has killed the earth is rumbling because of a dead man, whom a troupe of blood-avengers has killed
in the camp at night, when it is growing dark.
a widow is cared for by her dead husband's elder brother, until she marries again. Only when the period of mourning has passed is she rubbed with fat and set free again. nejieli waria mangawaru kulkai, nani jauara ngamananto woljaia elder brother of the deceased the widow protects, she unhindered shall sit before long (soon) the elder brother looks after the widow of a deceased man, so that she may be at no disadvantage for the future
A corpse is placed into a type of net which has been lined with bushes, and is thus carried on to the mound for burial.
A son (child of the deceased) does this, in order not to be reminded of his father at the sight of the millstone.
bunch of twigs that is produced after the person concerned has actually been killed. Note: There was a woman [by the name of] Tandripani, whose son died, so she thought, as the result of sorcery. Since she had no close relatives who could speak on her behalf and avenge her son, she stirred up the local inhabitants to do this. A provocation of this nature is effected by growling at the menfolk, as, for example: you are women, you wear no beards, you have no strength, no courage, etc. Naturally, only a woman may do this, for men are not allowed to talk in this strain. The local inhabitants were soon sufficiently aware of what these abusive words meant. In all secrecy they formed a troupe of blood-avengers, in order to redeem their reputation in the eyes of the woman. The alleged sorcerer was struck down. A bunch of twigs (naria kuma) was now tied together by the blood-avengers, brought home, and, without a word being wasted, placed at the woman's feet. She knew now that the alleged sorcerer had been struck down, and began loudly to voice her eulogies: 'We have really sturdy men in this place; nobody is afraid, our men are strong,' etc. At these words of praise the murderers felt themselves highly flattered, particularly so since the woman provided a malkiri or ceremonial meal.
This man is not a relative of the deceased, otherwise he would not have been able to throw off the [evidences of] mourning so soon, something which is effected by means of the red ochre. But since contact with a dead person renders him unclean, he now purifies himself by washing his body and painting it with red ochre.
When one marriage partner dies, the surviving party feels a sense of shame.
So as not to be continually reminded of those who are deceased, it is customary not to remain in the vicinity of their graves.
actually the flesh of a dead person. kana mani manijiribalumai, ngaiani ngantjai tajila, ngara nguru ngankaterila, ngurali nina ngundraiati human fat (flesh) you two hand over, we want to eat, heart strong to make for ourselves, continually him otherwise [will] think of you two cut off some human flesh, for we want to eat [it] to brace our hearts, so that we don't keep on thinking of the deceased In this way the people who stood around the grave would address the two who stood in it and who had laid the deceased to rest. With a stone knife the [latter] would [then] cut off some flesh from the thigh, chest, or cheeks of the dead corpse, whilst saying trrrrrr, and hand it to those standing outside the grave. On receiving it, the latter would respond with kah, kah. The flesh was now grilled for a while and then cut into small pieces, a portion for each one present. Some was [also] kept in reserve for friends who might still happen to put in an appearance. [All] this was done so that the deceased might soon be forgotten. Anyone who had eaten [his piece of flesh] painted himself black around the mouth in token thereof. Those who ate human flesh usually developed a swelled stomach and rolling eyes; ofttimes some even became slightly demented and stuttered for a time.
Any person who is in mourning lives in shame and is daubed with lime. If he is painted red, the [period of] mourning ends. The red [ochre] is mixed with fat. Anyone who attends a sacred ceremony must be rubbed in with fat. Only by means of fat is the "deity" appeased. By the application of fat an unclean man or woman is rendered clean. Anyone who has touched a dead body, or who is in mourning, or who has assisted in a killing, or a woman who has given birth to a child, or a person who is jealous, is 'unclean' and must first rub himself in with fat, if he wishes to attend a sacred ceremony.
The head is placed in the grave, facing south.
i.e. the groove-marks [or furrows on the surface of the ground] around a grave made by the coolamon when filling [the loose earth] into the hole. pirra malka kalianau kumana karitjina coolamon marks obliterate to dance to go round i.e. level out the furrows which we scratched around the grave with the coolamon, so that the women can dance around [it]
(a) If anyone has unexpectedly died out bush, the person who was with him makes a huge fire and keeps it constantly smoking. Before long people suspect that something is wrong and go to investigate. (b) If somebody sick in the camp has died sooner than expected, then [again] a huge fire is made. Since [people] knew that N.N. was sick, they [now] know equally well, on seeing the fire, that he has died. Often an acknowledging fire is lit to signal that the first one was seen. jinkani ngatotani muntjani nandru turujeli nari kaukaubai your younger brother sick she fire death announces the fire announces the death of your younger brother
clump of gypsum attached to a man's beard during his period of mourning. It is torn off and sent along as a token of authentication when gathering together a troop of blood avengers.
[to indicate] where a man has been slain. If anyone is killed outside of the camp, a stake is driven into the ground in like manner, at the spot where he died.
When somebody out bush knows that he must perish of thirst since he is incapable of going any further, he attaches his tuft of feathers (or whatever he may happen to have on him) to a bush or shrub, so that his body may readily be found.
If somebody has killed another and is afraid of reprisal [or vengeance] on the part of his relatives, he offers an expiation for the [mis-]deed carried out by his own hand (arm). nanaia nguna malka ngamalkau, mankara nanaia ngatata ngakani, wata ngundralanganau nari jinkani, nanaia noa patau! she arm sign have, girl she sister mine, not think of deceased one yours, her [as] wife take! for the [mis-]deed of my hand accept my sister as a token [of conciliation] and think no more of your deceased one, but keep her as your wife
When, in consequence of being strangled, a man speaks confusedly [in a delirium], this is a sign that he is about to die.
on account of having come in contact with a dead body. ngapani ngani milja narila, nari karlara ngato ngamalkai, paru ja ngapa kutiati water abstain as one associated with death, Reuther: "Todenaner". death odour have, fish and water otherwise [will] disappear I am not allowed to go near the water, because I have been in contact with a dead body, consequently I bear the odour of death on me; if I were to go near, the fish would withdraw and the water would dry up Anyone who has touched a dead body passes as unclean. No unclean person may eat fish or fetch water from a lake or waterhole. If he does, the fish will withdraw to the depths [of the lake], and not enter the nets; the water, too, will quickly dry out. The purification of such a person takes place in the following manner. First the person concerned is sprinkled with water from a dish. Then a fire is kindled, and branches which give off pleasant fragrance are laid on top. In this fragrant smoke the unclean person is made to stand. This done, his whole body is smeared with fat and red ochre. Thereupon he is led down to the water's [edge]. The fish and the water are supposed to see that he is now clean. This ritual is accompanied by ceremonial chanting.
not allowed to touch a millstone. mardani ngani milja, narila, mantali paua dakalata, ngopera ngakangu kana wolkari jurananto towards the millstone I avoiding, as one associated with death, myself seed to grind, first people me must purify (initiate) I dare not touch the millstone in order to grind seed for myself, for I have been in contact with a dead body; the folks have first to purify me Whoever has touched a dead body is unclean, and, as such, may not grind seed. If he does, the seed-pulp will turn gritty. Reuther: "griessig" instead of griesig. The stone will crack, and the pulp will not satisfy [the eater]. Purification is effected in the following manner. A man places some seed and gypsum into a wooden dish and moistens the [mixture]. To the accompaniment of ceremonial chanting, he smears this all over the body of the person who has been in contact with the dead, and says: ngaldra paua pilkipilki dakadakaraterila we two shall regrind the various seeds on our own He does not say 'I,' but 'we two,' - which is a frequent manner of speaking. Therein lies a [hint] of sympathy for the deceased, on whose behalf he has been mourning, at the same time, however, a [hint] of joy [at the thought] that he is now being relieved of his sorrow. With the fingers of both hands he now scrapes down the body which was smeared with the [admixture] of seed-pulp and gypsum, [thereby] signifying that the white, as the [symbolic] colour of sorrow, indeed, the sorrow itself - shall now be removed. Next he rubs the person with fat and red ochre, to symbolise joy. He then hands [to him] a small millstone, marda kuparu, addressing him in the words indicated above. The person in question [i.e. to whom this is being done] now scrapes with his fingernails over [the surface of] both stones [upper and lower], and begins to grind. A contaminated person may not go out [of the camp], lest he step on a seed-bearing bush or edible plant, for both [these kinds] would decay everywhere. Neither may he touch or eat any fish, snakes (womas), emus or lizards, for these animals would immediately grow lean and the fish withdraw to the deepest part of the lake. Reuther: "Seekessel". He may not eat any wild dog [meat], stand outside in the rain, lest it stop raining, pluck any reeds, or weave a net, for no fish would get caught in it. He may not attend a sacred corroboree, nor touch a child, otherwise it will not grow up.
The soul ascends in Palkarakarani, where the souls (heart of the deity) of the muramura once ascended. At the grave the soul's ceremonial song is sung to it, so that it may accompany it [on its last journey]. This should cause the soul to rejoice, inasmuch as it realises that it is being remembered; it should also facilitate the [soul's] separation from the body, and guarantee it a happy ascension. Of course, this happens only in the case of those who have died a natural, that is to say a decent, death, not, [however] in the case of those whose death one would describe as evil.
In this case a "descendant" of Darana has died, and so it is customary to decorate oneself as Darana once did.
These [words] apply to a dying man.
If, for example, the child of [one of] the adherents of Darana (who was very dear to his [father's] heart) has died, the [father] cuts his tongue with a stone knife, and squirts the blood skyward. By reason of this complaint the deity is roused to anger, and no more rain will fall. It has even happened that a son, upon the death of his dearly-loved father, severed the sinews in the hollow of his knees, so that he [too] had to die. Also by [a wilful act like] this the deity is roused to anger, for he wants to see healthy (nice) people; yet here is one who mutilates himself, yes, even commits suicide. By means of ngilbi ngankana one [can] bring misfortune upon people, such as drought and dry conditions, extremely hot weather, gale winds, duststorms, and sickness, etc. ngato Mura ngilbi ngankala nganai, ngaiana kana marapujeli muntja wolja ngamalkala I the Mura provoke to anger will, we people many sickness soon to have I shall provoke the deity to anger, so that before long (soon) all the people will be smitten by sickness Most times such a ngilbi is [smartly] caught and smeared with fat; thereby he is satisfied, and the deity is appeased (conciliated).
When a grave-mound caves in, this is a sure sign that the person buried demands greater expiation for his death. Thereby he wishes to say: I helped to kill few people or none [at all]; therefore I was innocent of the sorcery directed at me. najianau! nauja kutu ngarina warai, nari nauja muntatarana warai, ngaiana kulno morla nandrananto see! he hole has sunk down, deceased he on his behalf has stirred, we one more ought to kill see how the grave-mound has sunken down! the dead man has stirred, and on his behalf wants us to kill one more man
i.e. a person who is still smeared with gypsum due to mourning. kana nauja muru, kana ninaia ngulikira ngankanimai. nauja manieli bakana wirinanto man he contaminated, man him clean make, he with fat also shall enter in Reuther translates wirina with "hineingehen" 'to enter,' which it does mean). However, wirina is here used idiomatically, meaning to rub in with; to smear on. Cf. No. 3723-5, No. 3723-6. this man still wears the residue of gypsum from [his days of] mourning; clean him up, and smear him over with fat When a man is smeared with red ochre and fat, the period of mourning is ended.
a person still wearing lumps of gypsum-clay on his/her body from the time of mourning.
Whoever has come in contact with a dead person, and is consequently unclean, may not touch a millstone, for the millstone would not produce good seed-pulp. when someone has touched a dead body, he several times with his fingernails strokes the millstone on which some seed has been spread out, and chants an invocatory song [as he does so]. [Thereupon] he taps himself on the chest, and [proceeds to] grind away. If the stone does not grip well, then it is believed that the person concerned has not carried out the above ceremony [in every particular].
This is likewise done, as in [3], when one has come into contact with a dead body. ngapajunga ninapara muruwau wolja, windrila jundru ninapara karakarala nganai waterbag this-one-there scratch soon, before you this-one-there touch will scratch-mark this waterbag of yours before you pick it up (touch it)
If someone has been buried without relatives having been able to be present, these pose on arrival as if they were angry. It is as though the ones who buried him had taken the deceased one away from them. The buriers now take a piece of string and with it strike the relatives, [whereupon] the latter are satisfied. This is tantamount to having beaten them with weapons and overpowered them.
This is differently [constructed] than in the case of us [Europeans]. Where the head and the feet are intended to lie, holes are dug from the surface of the ground at both ends. When the usual depth has been reached, the intermediate wall which remains is breached at the bottom. Into one of these holes the dead body is handed down head first, and shoved through the hole breaching the intermediate wall. In this way it is not necessary to scoop out so much earth, something which is done with only a [wooden] dish.
This is an indication that the buried man is not satisfied with the vengeance which has been meted out on his behalf.
When a man, conscious of whiling away his [last] days in the presence of his fellow-tribesmen, felt too cowardly to escape death by running away, he decorated himself during the day in his own peculiar ceremonial attire, in order to be able to face death at the hand of [his] killers. Such men are called japa nguru fear strong, i.e. fearless, or burkanguru remorse strong (remorseless); they subdue the accusations of conscience and do not shrink from death. A death like that is regarded as a heroic one.
This is a sort of limestone that is burnt in the fire and then slaked in water. White is the "colour" [symbolizing] sorrow. When in mourning, a man smears himself with this gypseous clay, especially the head, beard, and face. (1) When a troop of blood-avengers goes out, every man smears himself white from head to foot, in order to make himself unrecognizable. (2) maljakapi is the name given to clumps of gypseous clay on a man's beard. (3) If a wife [or husband] dies, the other party does not go to the grave. He withdraws [to a distance] with his next-of-kin, smears himself with lime, and lives in a lonely, secluded wurley with some of his closest relatives. [Here] the mourner sits in mute silence, for the most part in a bark hut, [while] his friends attend to his livelihood. During the days of mourning he may not participate in any ceremony or [religious] festival, nor fetch any water, etc., since he is unclean. After a certain lapse of time the father or the grandmother - depending on circumstances - comes along, knocks the clumps [of clay] off his beard, and with the fingernails scrapes (rubs) the crumbs of gypsum from his body. Finally, the mourner is painted with red [ochre]. At this he sobs passionately once more, whereupon the mourning period is over. If the person concerned wishes to be painted with red [ochre] within a very short space of time, he/she is regarded as a bad widower/widow (mangawaru madlentji). The widower/widow then prepares a ceremonial meal, and [from thenceforward] may again take part in a ceremony or religious festival. (4) When a young man is circumcised, a white stripe is painted across his chest as a symbol of identification. (5) When a man requests [the increase of] paljangani edible resin, he takes some gypsum in his mouth and spatters it against the trees, at the same time chanting his ceremonial song, just like the muramura once did so. (6) During the mindiri [festival] the wimabilli cf. Vol. X, pp. 119 seq. paint the upper part of their bodies, whereupon they draw stripes across these with their fingernails. (7) During a request for rain some gypsum is mixed with fat, placed into a coolamon, and deposited in water. When gypsum is thrown into muddy water, the water becomes clear.
As many wadimoku are placed on a grave-mound as [the number of men] whom the deceased has helped to kill.
via which the spirit comes out of the grave.