A wooden framework, comprised of pieces of timber rammed into the ground and covered with various types of grass to constitute a hut. This painting of the house-frame with yellow ochre serves to indicate that women are forbidden to enter the hut. The objects of principal concern are such articles as women are not permitted to see.
It is not without a reason that yellow ochre here bears some friendly affiliation or intimate association with a particular person. This arises from the fact that at certain religious ceremonies one group always wears only the one colour, or must always be painted with one and the same colour. Hence the substantive usage of the word, as indicated under 8B, for 'the yellow one' implies as much as 'the one who must always paint himself with yellow ochre'. He belongs, so to speak, to the yellow ochre region.
There is a law, [which says]: wata bamamau! ngopera kalkau jela wapala don't take anything beforehand! For example, don't go out on your own immediately after a rain, in order to choose the best of this or that fruit), but wait until all go out together. Whoever transgressed this law, i.e. whoever was a bamamanietja, was murdered, more often strangled. At Wakatani, in the vicinity of Lake Hope, a man and his wife were once murdered and destroyed by fire. The point is, the transgressor could neither be honourably buried nor mourned. If anyone cast his [covetous] eyes on a beautiful maiden, it was said: nauja bamateriji he has picked out the best one for himself
In this case, too, the law applies: wata bakapirna nganau! don't hanker after men or women Trespassers of this law were strangled (ngurlina), as a rule, and buried without honour. If, for example, a man was frequently cautioned by his brothers, but showed no obvious change for the better, the local inhabitants were allowed to kill him. Not many years ago, near Mangurani, a certain Wintjangankingana was strangled to death for this [very] reason.
There is a vast variety of these, both of a larger and smaller type, according to the varying uses to which they are put. In them a native man carries his little knick-knacks (goods and chattels), such as stones, string and ochre, as well as fat, meat and fish. Other types, also designated as billi, are worn partly as a decoration and partly as special insignia, while still others are worn whenever revenge is to be wreaked out. Some of these are: billimilki, billikirra, billiwanduru, billitjaputjapura, billibilpanta, billinindri, billikalku, billiminti, billiwarapi, billiwodawoda, billijama, billidundru, billikalukalu, billiwompa, billikulpuru, and billikabuluru. These various billi are manufactured partly of string made from punku type of flax, and partly of pared and twisted reeds (kalku).
When children are not properly supervised, so that one of them suffers injury, it is commonly said: tanani ngandri butju their mother is blind It is the mother's duty to supervise children. When two men have a fight so that one is wounded or slain, and a third was in the vicinity, he is accused of the charge: minandru jundru wata dauadauarana warai, jidni mudla butju? why did you not prevent it? have you a blind face? You should have foreseen that the outcome would be very serious [is the intended meaning]. If someone sends children out to gather food for themselves and does not give them any water to take along, so that they almost perish of thirst, the accusation is levelled against the person who sent them out: minandru jundru kupa jinpana warai ngapa panini, jundru mudla butju why did you send the children out without any water? Do you have a blind face? That is, couldn't you see that they can't go without water?. If anyone has taken something along without permission, the [people] say: mudla butjujeli jundru bakujeli manina just like a blind man, you have taken things along without any right [to them] That is, you just didn't want to see that this or that was not yours. If someone knocks himself on the finger, or hurts himself in some other way [people say]: minandru jundru nandraterina warai, jidni butju? why did you hit yourself, are you blind? If someone has gone out hunting and, instead of encircling the animals, has scared them away, [he is greeted with the remark]: jakajai! jidni butju wapana hey you walked along blind Similarly when someone stumbles over a stone, or steps on a thorn, etc.
Buka from plants, in order to lose its raw flavour and become more tender, is prepared in the following manner. A shallow hole is dug in the ground, and a fire made in it so as to heat up the [surrounding] earth. When the fire has burnt down, the coals are scraped aside. The green leaves that are to be steamed are then laid on the heated ground, branches placed over the top, and the whole carefully covered with sand, so compactly, in fact, that no vapour or smoke can escape. This is generally done in the evening. It is left covered throughout the night, and dug out in the morning to be eaten. This form of preparation takes place in the case of jaua, winkara, and kalumba. From [some] seeds a kind of small bread-loaf is baked in the ashes. First, after the seed has been moistened, it is rubbed or ground between two stones until it turns into a sort of pulp [or mush]. A fire is then made in similar manner [as above] and allowed to die down. When this is done, the coals are scraped aside, the pulpy mass poured out [on to the hot sand], and covered with ashes. The following types of seed are treated in this way: wadlanguru, kalki, ngurawonpa, kanangara, kawolka-paua, witata, and ngardu. Since kalju seed is too hard to be softened by water, it is first tenderised in the ashes, then ground, mixed with [a little] water, baked into small cakes, and eaten.
Anyone occupied in bread-making may touch neither his beard nor his hair, lest some hairs fall out. For this reason he keeps a small stick lying at his side, so that, [if necessary], he can obviate a possible itch or ache.
This banquet is prepared in honour of the children, so that they may thrive. It bears a certain resemblance to a christening dinner. In most cases it is prepared by the child's mother, after she has regained her lost strength following on the child's birth, and when the child is beginning to [show signs of] favourable development. In the majority of instances, however, the preparation of this banquet is delayed until rain has fallen, as the result of which it is easier to stock the table for a large gathering. So then, after the mother of the recently-born babe has gathered a good quantity of seed, etc., the nearest of kin are especially invited to the ngurawikani-buka, as well as anyone who may have assisted at the time of the birth. The friends and relatives thus congregated evidence their joy in the infant, and congratulate the parents at having such a fine child. Conversation, of course, is mostly of a nature that one would be pleased to hear. This banquet in the child's honour is repeated from time to time, in order to demonstrate how [well] the child is developing.
to those [young] members of the male fraternity (sex) who are beginning to develop beyond boyhood. Literally, this word means: 'to place food (the banquet) on the grass'. Reuther: "in das Gras hinaus". In English the term may be more aptly applied to animals of pasture. In German one would say: 'a farewell meal for those who are being sent out bush, (away from the camp)'. This is done in the following manner. When the time has come that one or several young lads have out-grown their boyhood, so that it is no longer desirable to see them walking around naked in camp on account of the girls, they are immediately sent away from home, as it were. Since a mother's heart is more fondly set on her children than that of a father, the prompting for this must come from her. But because a woman may never act independently by taking the initiative in life's affairs, nor even remind her husband in as many words of a traditional custom or duty, this must be done in some other way, namely, in a way whereby the husband can recognize what his wife's secret intentions are. In this case the man's wife, or, better still, the mother of the grown-up son withdraws for some distance away from the camp, accompanied by some of the women and young girls, her husband, [of course], knowing nothing of it. Here the women decorate themselves with a sort of chain called a kaldrati around the neck, as well they decorate themselves with [bunches of] shrubbery around the breasts and legs. With a piece of string the girls also hang a kuripikiri around their necks, which dangles down on to their breasts. Moreover, a meal is prepared in a bira wooden bowl). Reuther: "Mulde". This may be called a 'bowl' or 'dish', depending on its use or size. The universal Australian term is 'coolamon'. Thus adorned, the women and girls return to the camp towards evening, bringing the food [with them] and placing it at the disposal of the husbands concerned, respectively the boys' fathers. The latter now realise what is what. The kaldrati around his wife's neck suggests to each husband that his 'undecorated' son should now be 'decorated', that is to say, the child ought now to become a 'man'. 'The point is that no uncircumcised youth may wear any decoration. He is permitted to do so only after he has become a teri circumcised young man, novice. The decorations of shrubbery on the part of the mother suggests to the child's father that the latter (his son) should now be sent away from home into the wide world ('out bush'). Moreover, the kuripikiri dangling on the maidens' breasts tell him that the young lad should now be decorated in a similar manner. [In fact,] the first indication that a youth is circumcised is to see him walking around, wearing some such decoration. With that the man's wife (the mother of the child) has discharged her obligation and achieved her objective, for she has told her husband (the boy's father) exactly what needs to be done. Acting accordingly, the men (respectively the boys' fathers) now get to work on their millstones for the duration of the night, in order to have the kantaia-ngankani-buka farewell banquet ready by next morning. For the first time in their lives the young lads are now waited on. The father prepares the food in a bira wooden bowl and places it in front of his lad. The latter already knows what this signifies, for secretly and confidentially he has got to hear of it. So, as a child eating in his father's hut for the last time, he makes a hearty good meal of it. When this takes place in the presence of his parents, especially that of his saddened mother, a decisive moment has arrived. There now follow a few undecipherable words in shorthand, probably in Reichskurzschrift. As a parting gift the young lad receives a fire-stick, handed to him from his father, to signify that from henceforth he must fend for himself and make his own fire. In leaping bounds the young lad now rushes out of the camp, while the rest run along with him, crying pih, pih, pih, like a young bird that has vacated its nest for the first time. [Meanwhile], father and mother sit down together and cry. From now on the youths may not return to the camp until the day of their circumcision. Usually they live together with several circumcised men who are not married, and thus live a sort of secluded life. Under no circumstances may they approach the vicinity of the women and young girls. Henceforth these youths are known as kantala grass-dwellers, i.e. dwellers beyond the camp where the grass is growing, bush-whackers, bush-walkers. Reuther: "Graser, Graslaeufer". Both terms are difficult to translate, esp. the former which is not a Dictionary word. The above 'bush-whacker' is not to be understood in any derogatory sense. It is also for this reason that the farewell banquet has been named kantaia-ngankani-buka.
If, for example, a wealthy man were to arrange a banquet, in order to show what wealth he possessed and that he was able to do it (or in whatever other way one could express it), that would be a munataranibuka. Even a 'native' man arranges such a banquet, when in his opinion he has an abundance of wealth. Several days after heavy rain has fallen, a tour of inspection is made to see what the country looks like. Several men go out and criss-cross the land in every direction. If they return with the favourable report that it has rained on every hand and that things are beautifully green everywhere, then the time has arrived to make provision for the future. The people are now placed in the position where they can go to every place from which they have been prevented hitherto through [scarcity] of water, in order to gather seed. First a quantity of seed is gathered and a banquet (munatarani-buka) prepared, to which people from the entire neighbourhood are invited, for the native folk now feel [somewhat] collar-proud. "he [very] name of the meal already indicates this. Extravagant feasting now takes place. Praises are lavished especially on those who lay claim to the talara muramura demi-god of rain, for it was due to their incantations, performed by various men, that the talara Mura rain-god let himself be disposed to send down the rain. This festivity bears a certain resemblance to our harvest festival. When the banquet is over, there is mutual discussion on how the proceeds of the harvest can be jointly gathered in, and how and where it can be stored up for the future. Agreement is reached that they shall go out in small groups, to gather in seed from here and there, and store it up in holes [in the ground]. (More particulars about this can be found in another volume, under the heading: 'How provision is made for the future').
This banquet is prepared when an offence or an indiscretion against [tribal] custom has been committed, or even when a neighbour has been disturbed in his night's sleep. The following may be quoted by way of an example. [Suppose] the case has arisen where a child is burnt in the fire, so that for the duration of the night it cries out in pain. The immediate next-door neighbour has had his night's peace disturbed on account of the child's crying, so that he couldn't sleep. The child's father is sorry about this. At the same time he has been nintali ashamed, embarrassed. To pacify the child, he sits alongside it and chants his and the child's mura song. Reuther: "Gesangsgebete", which is in slight contrast to his usual term, "Gebetsgesaenge". On the following morning the child's father searches around to procure [sufficient] food to compensate his next-door neighbours or fellow camp occupants for the said disturbance during the night, in order that his embarrassment may subside and nobody may remain offended at the child's crying. Hence the name kalingani-buka compensating or reconciling meal. The neighbours [of course] are pleased at this. They accept the invitation, and, to show on their part that they are sympathetic, all the menfolk sit down together around the child and help the father to sing its mura song, so that it may be pacified and go to sleep. That is the reason why this type of meal is called turani-buka. turana means as much as to sleep. So the meaning of turani-buka is sleep-inducing meal, and relates to the child whom the invited guests have helped to lull to sleep. In this way all amends have been made and reconciliation brought about.
As far as importance is concerned, this banquet is very much on a par with the munatarani-buka. The only difference is that in the case of the munatarani-buka the honour pertains more to the "deities", whereas in this instance it pertains more to a father on account of [his] child. Let me quote an example. Children are playing together outside of the camp, in the open. Thus, friends from another camp, who are on their way to pay the local inhabitants a visit, meet these children at play. Taking one or the other child up in their arms, they express their delight at it. As soon as the child concerned has reached father and mother at home, it relates in typical childlike fashion what took place. The parents [naturally] feel immensely flattered about their lovely child, especially the father. During the course of the evening he pours from his overflowing heart the songs of his mura. (I would not like to go so far as to say that he THANKS his mura supernatural ancestor, Reuther: "Obergott". as I would not knowingly like to attach more meaning to a pagan point of view than actually applies). Nevertheless, a word of sacred Scripture holds good in this connection: "Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks". [Mathew 12,34]. Meanwhile, the father goes about preparing a meal for his kind friends. On the following morning the meal is ready. He invites his kind visitors on this occasion to eat with him, at his camp. In this way the father wishes to show that he is a man of substance, for he has provisions set aside for [such] a feast. And, to make his natural heathen superiority look even more conspicuous, he wants at the same time to embarrass (nintali ngankana) his camp-fellows, or, to use a better expression, 'place them in the shade'. And now, the particular person who embraced and fondled his child is offered the most prominent seat. Summoned by the child's father, he selects the choicest food for himself and divides the rest among the friends who have accompanied him.
When a woman's husband has died or has been murdered, she naturally enters a state of mourning. This involves daubing (painting) herself with white pipe-clay, so thickly, in fact, that nothing of her dark skin may be visible from the head downwards to around the breasts. In company with several friends she sits down in a secluded spot away from the camp area, and for the duration of the mourning period is not permitted to speak. Food and water are brought to her. When the important mourning days are over, she returns once more to the camp. The mourning, however, has not ended [absolutely], and so she still remains daubed in white. But she may now gather food again, in order to discharge her [social] obligations, for every local inhabitant who rendered some form of service during the sickness of her husband or at his burial receives some [token of] food from her. If distant friends of the deceased man put in an appearance, they first seat themselves around the widow and conduct a wailing session Reuther: "eine Trauerklage". When that is over, these friends are also waited on by the widow with some food. It is a matter of importance to a dead man's widow that she bewail her husband as much as possible, for if she were not to do this, the conclusion might be drawn that she is not sorry, and for that she could possibly be put to death. After some [further] time has elapsed, the neighbours consider they should take pity (kalumiltjamiltjarina) on the widow. They go over, and with their finger-nails scrape the pipe-clay from her body. In gratitude for this the dead man's next-of-kin provide the neighbours with a meal. Several men, [carrying] karku in their hands, now get up and creep stealthily forward to rub it over the once-sorrowing woman, as a sign that her period of mourning has now [fully] expired. The karku, as the symbol of joy, is red ochre. White, on the other hand, denotes sorrow. The woman finally prepares a large meal for her relatives and fellow-inhabitants of the camp, for she is now able to rejoice and even dance with them again. Her rights once more to talk to her friends are now also restored. Hitherto she was permitted to speak only to her very nearest of kin.
This is given in honour of a youth on the eve of his circumcision. The festivities associated therewith usually last for several days. Circumcision is carried out towards morning, after friends, relatives and festival guests have been given an extravagant meal the night before.
If a youth has been circumcised during the reddening dawn, he is served one more meal. After that he must retire into seclusion and not be seen by any girl or woman. Only after [his wound] is healed may he again return to society, albeit no longer without a pubic covering.
As mentioned in No.32, the circumcised youth has gone into seclusion. However, on the first occasion that he returns to society, he may not appear empty-handed. To all who participated in the festivities associated with his circumcision he must evidence his gratitude. To this end he collects a supply of meat and bread, appears one day in camp as a 'man', and hands out the food he has [thus] gathered. To his great satisfaction, this is eaten with deep gratitude.
If, for example, two men of the same age (kalu-mara) have for some reason or another been separated from each other since youth, so that they have grown up in different areas and no longer recognise each other on meeting as adults in later life, the above [festive] meal is arranged subsequent to their renewal of old friendships.
If, for example, a stranger enters the territory of another tribe and extols it as being a beautiful, fair and goodly country, the inhabitants feel themselves flattered. They quickly prepare a meal for the eulogist, to demonstrate that such remarks are heard only too gladly.
This is the name given to those men who go out to fetch ochre for decorating their bodies for corroborees ("dances"). The name is associated with buka [food] in as much as the [women] folk, who stay at home until the men return, go out to collect food with which to prepare a festive meal for them when they come back.
i.e. the place where the territorial boundary finishes for one of the local tribes, e.g. in Kintalamanku the boundary of the Diari tribe ends. Up to this point the Cooper is known as Kunari, but from there onward it is called Ngaraua salty.
If a man was born and even died in a certain country, where, for example, chewing tobacco (pitjiri) or some other type of seed or root vegetable is growing to advantage, or where some species of wild game prefers to have its habitat, it is said: 'The pitjiri, or the type of seed, or the [wild] game has swallowed him up' (burujulkana), or vice versa.
That is to say, it is an accepted view that when a person's nose itches, his name is being mentioned somewhere or another. Someone is either saying something good about him, or is bent on mischief. Because a pagan man's evil conscience often accuses him, he is extremely superstitious, and accepts fictitious omens as forebodings [or predictions] of impending disaster. Thus, upon the itching of one's nose, one's first thought may be that of a pinga whose approach is imminent, and to mention the name of the person whom its [members] have in mind. On the other hand, this itching may be attributable to something else. For example, a long-absent friend, or brother, etc. may be returning home and has just mentioned the person's name. If the itching of the nose occurs at night, one takes particular note of the flight of the birds next morning, that will then indicate from what direction the pinga, friend, or brother etc. will arrive. If a man has a healed wound or scar that he received in a fight, and this scar begins to itch, again that is a sure omen that, in one way or another, a fight will ensue. (Who doesn't, in a case like this, involuntarily recall the saying: "At the tingling of his right ear a man is being praised; at the tingling of his left he is being slandered?"). If a man's back or if a woman's breast itches, this is considered a good omen, for the particular man's younger brother (ngatata) whom he once carried on his back, or the sister of the woman concerned is returning home. The pagan simply believes that the ngara heart; conscience gives [certain] indications that express themselves through itching. bununu parana is used in a figurative sense, e.g. of a quarrelsome man. One says: mina jundru kirra jupai, palku bunanali jidni nganai? why do you torment the boomerang? does your body itch? (or: are you an itchy body?) Often the remark is made: 'The fellow has no peace; he has to start a fight'. That is the meaning implied in the previous sentence.
When buljuru is combined with the personal pronoun nauia he as in nauia puljuru it denotes an idiom or widower as long as he or she is involved in mourning over the deceased. Thereby I indicated the unworthiness of a married person without the other party, in as much as the death of a marriage partner reduces the relatives and survivors of the deceased to a certain status of shame and insignificance. Buljuru also describes a person who pursues his own ways, unconcerned about the laws of the old people. Such a person does not care about what has been commanded or forbidden since time immemorial. Therefore he is described by the disreputable term of buljuru.
During an emu hunt the birds are surrounded. Cf. emu-hunting. If an emu is compelled by way of fire or encirclement to run fast in fear of its life, it emits a peculiar [drumming] sound of which the concealed ambushman will take note. The [making of this] sound is described as bunnga tutungana. In the case of humans and of other animals it is referred to as ngara tutungana. bunnga patai the lung is out of order or diseased
The following [illustrates] how the Aborigine diagnoses the various illnesses in accordance with their outward manifestations. [At first] the tongue of the patient is examined. If it looks darker [than normal], he supposes that the lungs are affected in sympathy. Accordingly, there follow natural or magical [efforts] to effect a cure.
The main point of interest in regard to this word, is that if someone wants to start a weapon-fight and has already given vent to his feelings, [another person] prevents from carying out his intention. [He does this] either by admonishing him in [so many words], or. by locking his arms in a firm embrace. 'Native' doctors frequently do this. Yet this word is applied in all sorts of different ways. Oftimes it even approximates the word nganarawalkana which is used in the same sense, though it refers more to things. kintala dauadauaramai keep that dog away lest he bite me. mai, wapau ngapa kulkala, tananaia tampangara dauadauala now go and guard the water [by] chasing away the pelicans Should there be a pinga or some other hostile group, of whom it is believed their intentions are no good, a deputation of three or four men, and, under certain circumstances even women, are immediately sent out to dauadauana them induce them to change their mind, so that it should not reach the point of fighting and warfare. Dauadauana is often used as [a point of] reproach, for example: minandru jura wata dauadauana warai? why did you [pl.] not take preventive action? The fact is, it is customary among the 'natives' that when two men become involved in an argument, someone holds them in check. Anyone who does not do this is considered a coward. Now, it can happen that when the men become involved in a fight, one group of spectators [tries to] hold then back, while another [group] urges t on. This is what gives rise to disturbances and various] shouting back and forth. An example of dauadauana, in the sense of to encourage; persuade is: poto jinkani muntali ngamalkamai, wata morla jinkiau keep your things to yourself; don't give anything more away If, for instance, someone kills my brother, and, for some reason or another, I at first do not feel inclined to avenge the murder, postponement does not mean abandonment. So as not to appear a coward, I must wreak out revenge on him at least to the point where I commit some act against him worthy of death. The tearing down of a stranger's wurley is one such act. If then, at a favourable opportunity, I enter the camp where my brother's murderer has his wurley, I set to work and tear it down, for everyone to see. For this [act of] demolition I have deserved to die. Now, if the owner of the wurley asks me: "Why are you doing this?", I simply reply: "You already know the reason". Everybody in the camp now dauadauana intervenes; takes preventive action lest the offended man loses his temper. When that has taken place, the death or murder has been avenged. I have insulted the man concerned, just as if I had killed him; and he has had to put up with the destruction of his wurley. The people now sit down together, and the whole matter is settled.
When the other men are absent from camp, one of them, as a rule, stays behind. The one who remains behind is responsible for anything that may eventuate in camp, as well as for all property that is left lying around. If a stranger enters the camp during that time, and wants to make a fire with some of the wood brought in by other men or women, or wants to make bread from some of the seed that may be on hand, the camp-supervisor dauadauana intervenes 'to prevent' this. It is, of course, an express principle that nobody may walk into the camp of another person while the latter is absent. If anyone fails to observe this rule of etiquette, he gives rise to [serious] trouble. However, the camp supervisor is the first [person] to be taken to task. If he can say: ngato ninaia bulu dauadauana warai I tried to restrain him he has saved his reputation, for he is not in the position to start a fight on his own. Often, therefore, the intruder Reuther has inadvertently written "Eilindringlich" for Eindringling. must pay the 'penalty' with his life. At times one can observe a 'native' hanging his net-bag on a tree, in order to keep it safe for the time of his return, since it may have got too heavy for him to carry about. It would not occur to anyone simply to examine the contents of the net-bag, much less to take something out of it, for serious punishment would await him [if he did], since the culprit could be easily detected by his footprints.
dauadauanietja is the name given to the pirrapintamara or pirrapintaetja teachers of tribal law, Reuther: "Gesetzeslehrer". for their instruction consists almost entirely in dauadauana [i.e. in stating what is forbidden or prohibited]. [There is a] proverb [which says]: dauadauanandru kana marapu tepi ngamai many people survive because of dauadauana The inference to be drawn from this [remark] is: if there were no dauadauana, many more people would be killed. [Hence] the preservation of many peoples' lives is mainly to be ascribed to the ark of these instructors in [public] morality. Reuther: "Norallehrer"
It is certainly not love, but fear of punishment that prevents people from doing wrong. If someone dies near a waterhole or lake in which fish are to be found, then fishing is immediately suspended at this spot. Death of the deceased precludes (dauadauana) this as a first step, so that no more fish may be taken from here. We note yet another example of dauadauana of a man. This has its underlying reason in that people should not congregate here in large numbers, so that no strife may arise near the grave of the deceased, and so that the bond of unity over the dead Reuther: "Buendniss ueber den Toden". P A.S may not be disrupted. The point is that anybody in the vicinity of the grave is at the same time near the [object of] remembrance and of vengeance because of the bone-pointing. [However], by not being reminded [of the dead], the heart that would [otherwise] fume and breathe vengeance is expected to settle down and cool off. It stands to reason, [of course,] that by seeing [the grave] or being anywhere near it, one will at first be reminded of it. Hence the dauadauana in this instance, [i.e. the rule to keep one's distance]. It now remains to be briefly noted that the bond of unity over a deceased person, as already indicated above, precludes the taking of revenge. On the other hand, the nearest kinsman of the one who has died near the lake are [still] permitted to fish here since they are naturally not going to argue, much rather will they, within sight of the dead man's grave, respect his [memory] and mourn him honourably. Only in the course of time, after the first fires of vengeful [wrath] over memories of the dead have gradually died down in [peoples'] hearts, is [general] fishing re-allowed. But if some folks have nevertheless been tempted to place their nets secretly in the waters mentioned, relatives of the deceased are buljubulju and will not let the matter pass unavenged. For all that, [an element of] selfishness, which, under clever pretence, may here stand the individual in good stead, plays a big part in the whole matter. These stealthy fish-poachers are regarded as trespassers of the law, inasmuch as they are considered to have broken the bond of peace over the [very] grave.
This is the name given to the pirra-pintamara when they proclaim the laws again and again. Special emphasis is placed on the constant need to exercise restraint (dauadauana), for in this way many people's [lives] have been saved. [To quote] another instance of dauadauana. Let us suppose, for example, that the son or daughter of an old woman has died, whose husband also is already deceased, and who therefore cannot take vengeance in respect of her dead child. Nevertheless, since vengeance belongs to the common law of life, she puts on a dance (kumana) in order to rouse and incite the camp-inhabitants to take vengeance [on her behalf]. Because she does this repeatedly, usually during the evening, the local young men confer together and then go out on a vendetta raid. Thereby they dauadauana the mother, that is, without saying a word, they induce her now to be satisfied. Here is another example. If the circumcision of a man's son is about to take place, his father is nintali ashamed. Since the young man's mother and brothers play a leading role in this connection, the father is dauadauana, that is to say, he must sit down isolated and alone in a wurley, unable to attend the [actual] circumcision. Only after the wound is healed does he get to see his son again. Or, if 'native' man visits another camp and is neither given pitjiri nor kindly received, he returns home buljubulju sullen and bad-tempered relating how he has been treated here and there. The local inhabitants look unfavourably upon this [form of] treatment and [advise] dauadauana, i.e. they forbid [their people] to do the same thing when an opportunity presents itself.
This is the name given to the pirrapintamara instructors in tribal law
Anyone having a big fat stomach is called dulkuna. Literally, therefore, dulkumarrana means new fat stomach, but, due to the verbal ending -pa the [noun] becomes a verb and has the equivalent meaning of 'to loathe, dislike, detest, have an aversion against; to belch'. The reason for the aversion is already partly contained in the word, namely: the stomach takes in some new and unaccustomed [variety] of food, eaten to excess and which it cannot tolerate. dulkumarai ngani; minandru? bukali wata ngantjai mandra I am belching, (or) I have a dislike for it. Why! The food (that I have eaten) is not amicable to the stomach, (therefore it causes a man to feel bloated) However, this word is also used when the aversion is engendered externally, as in: worku karitjianau, ngaiani dulkumarraiati go round about (around the carcase), we may otherwise loathe [the smell of] it Figuratively, the word is used of people, towards whom one does not feel favourably disposed, as in: nunkangu ngani dulkumarrai I don't like him (am not favourably disposed towards him), or better, I detest him
This word is used particularly in connection with matrimonial unions. To be able to enter into a mutual marriage arrangement, the point at issue is that each of two men has a sister whom he can give to the other; thus they become mutual brothers-in-law. These two brothers are not altogether unfamiliar with the fact that their respective mothers-in-law have already had their eyes on them since their youth. And so the way has been gradually paved for the mutual family relationship of the future. Hence the two prospective brothers-in-law have been friends already since childhood. They eagerly stick together and often go hunting together, etc. This friendly relationship has always been noticeable to the prying eyes of close neighbours, who can readily see what the ultimate intention is. Everyone, however, is cautious about wasting any words over the matter [or passing any comment on it]. On some special occasion, maybe at a ceremonial dinner, for example, or during a circumcision festival, the two elder brothers [of those concerned], or, in their absence, their mothers or else the nearest influental relative, step forward in public and proclaim the matrimonial arrangement in everybody's hearing. The announcer marks two strokes on the ground, which he divides squarely across the centre, and says: 'Ngaritjalina shall have Kurakani to wife, and Womalina shall have Ditjiminka: ngato ninaia dantjamai I confirm this Thus: Ngantjalina [male] = brother, Kurankani = sister, Womalina = brother, Ditjiminka = sister. Diagram 1 goes here. This now is called pinta manduribana to confirm a marriage contract, somewhat after the manner of tying two ends of string together in a knot. The mothers of the newly-weds are not unready for this moment. Already for many a long day each of them has been carrying around the pair of kapita tails together in their net-bags, albeit secretly. This has its [own peculiar] significance. Just as the two pair (representative of those who are later to marry) are lying side by side in the mothers' net-bags, so also the hearts of those intended to be united shall eventually find their way together. Now that each of the couples has been joined to a partner and the future marriage has been confirmed (dantjamana), each of the mothers steps forward and shows in public the two toa which they have this long while been carrying around in their net-bags, thereby indicating that they are agreeable to the contract. All who are present now burst out in obvious jubilation and are glad at [the news]. At this both the brothers, the mothers, and in fact all who are involved, feel themselves not a little flattered. Such a marriage, that has been confirmed before a whole crowd, is inviolate and firmly indissoluble as long as the newly-weds shall live.
Another form of dantjamana. Let us assume that a close relative has died and his corpse now lies there in front of them. The nearest of kin may not carry the deceased's body to the grave; this would surely break their hearts, forasmuch as death, in any circumstance, is the pagan's bitterest enemy. Who, now, shall carry the body to the grave? Even for an occasion like this provision has already been made. A young man and a young maiden, who, if the worst should come to the worst, are not in a [favourable] position to be given together in marriage through [the lack of] brothers or sisters, are placed in readiness to bury the deceased. In this way they are now given the opportunity to accept each other in marriage. It may, incidentally, be added that it is difficult for brothers to obtain a wife if they have no sisters, or for sisters who have no brothers that could act in their interests. Let us, now, further see how such young men and women are respected. The intended young man is called upon to carry the dead body to the grave. The corpse is lifted or to his head, while another man stands at his side. The intended young maid, who this day is to be united with the aforesaid, also steps forward and helps her future husband to carry [the body]. On arrival at the grave, the corpse is laid on the ground. The young pall-bearer (called a pirrapirra) and the young maid [next] step down into the grave together. The dead man is then placed into their arms, whereupon they bed him down in his grave. While the two [young folk] are carefully bedding the body down, a brother or one of the nearest relatives steps up to the grave, and says to the bystanders: jura naji pudlana? ngato ninaia dantjamai naria pirrapirrani do you see these two? I unite him as pall-bearer We would say: 'I confirm this marriage (or this matrimonial union) over the deceased, to whom these [two young people] have done a good deed'. On the occasion of some later celebration this marriage, already confirmed, is once more proclaimed in public, so that no one may lay any further claim on the young maiden who has now been given away in marriage. With that the marriage is legally binding and may not be challenged. While the two peoples' [names] are being pronounced in public, the following sign is sketched on the ground: Diagram 2 goes here. The semi-circle symbolizes a wind-break (katu), as one erects against the wind in a camp under the open sky at night. The two parallel lines signify the newly-wed couple, while the four dots, two on either side, [represent] lighted fires, between which (because of the nocturnal cold) 'native' people lie down to sleep.
Let us suppose, for example, that somebody is in debt. It may be he is in debt over a weapon, an ornament, or anything of that nature, but is not in the position to discharge his obligation, though the creditor is pressing his demands. However, a friend intervenes and pays the debt [for him]. Thereby he has dantjamana, i.e. cleared the debt on the one hand, and released the debtor on the other. The creditor is satisfied, and the debtor is free. Another example of dantjamana. A prominent kapara chief; headman, has died, say in Kaparamarani. It stands to reason, of course, that the kapara did not die a natural death, but that his death was brought about by the pointing of a bone. Now, since the general rule obtains among the Aborigines: 'an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth', i.e. respected equals versus respected equals', there is no alternative [line of thought] than that another kapara, say in Kilawilpa, [must] have occasioned the death of the kapara in Kaparamara. In a [spirit of] vengeance, devoid of mercy, efforts are now made to apprehend the kapara at Kilawilpa, and at the first convenient opportunity he is murdered. Of course, there is now danger in every quarter, for a high price is placed on the head of a kapara. The Kilawilpa people, too, now plan immediate revenge. The Kaparamara folks are more than sufficiently aware of that. Thus a whole host of people have probably to risk their lives; indeed, it is possible that an entire tribe could be wiped out. Besides, each of the feuding tribes is naturally uncertain as to its [relative] strength; for how easily could not another hostile tribe align itself with one's hostile [opponents] and thus bring about the total extinction of the others? What is to be done now? It is of the utmost importance that peace be restored by whatever means possible. This may proceed along the following lines. Those tribes living far removed from the place where the kapara (who has just died of natural causes) had resided, come [over] to Kaparamara to restore peace. Naturally, they come armed and in the greatest possible numbers, in the event that, should peace not be established, they may not suffer defeat in the combat. They offer [terms of] peace by way of the following introduction: pudla kapara ngaiani dantjamana kurananto we want to join together (literally, as in marriage) the two kapara (the one deceased and the one killed) From [what has been said] above, it is understandable that this proposal will be accepted. The relatives and acquaintances of the two kapara, (being those who are [entitled] to speak first in this matter), are now drawn up in two lines opposite each other. Through an intermediary the question is now put to both parties: jura ninaia nari terkalkai? do you [still] want to put up the dead man? Here nari is your kapara, in other words, have him further avenged? From all sides comes the reply: a-ai, kana panini no, no-one otherwise all the people (of our tribe) might perish. Good, so all are agreed there shall be peace. The intermediary now takes two small sticks, intended to represent the two kapara, and ties them together with a piece of string, whilst all sing out from either side: dantjamana karau! wrap them up, and tie them together (This translation expresses the literal meaning rather superficially, for it is a strong imperative form. But I cannot find any better German words to literally express the dantjamana as an adverb governing the verb karana, and meaning to wrap up, to bind, to tie together (in its imperative form) for, literally, it would mean: 'tie it up, seal it up, make it secure, wrap it up, tie it around, tie it together'. In my view, this combination of words does not exist in German). The intermediary then says: pintamati nguru, jeruja ngato dantjamana karai very tightly (firmly) and indissolubly do I bind these two (kapara) together (Even this translation expresses but feebly the severity, the indissoluble certainty and the reality that lies inherent in those words. Freely I would translate: 'as firmly and securely as the marriage bond binds together, so do I bind [these] two kapara'. Let us leave it at that! I offer the German translation as best I can, and shall now proceed with the rest). After the intermediary has finished wrapping up and tying together the two small sticks as tightly as possible, he tosses them backwards above everybody's head, saying: wapalau dunkanto go, both of you, to be gathered among the aged and forgotten By means of this ceremony the two dead kapara, who feuded with each other while they were alive, have now become friends, just as two people in marriage. Thereby all war and strife is now set aside, for, with the aid of two small sticks, the intermediary has confirmed it (dantjamana), so that [all] have now become friends. From henceforth no-one is allowed to undemine this friendship. Were someone to attempt it nevertheless, the peace-maker would be offended. The two [formerly] hostile parties now sit down together and feast in each other's company.
For example, to set the main posts or supporting props during the building of a hut more deeply than others, and ram them in tightly, so that in the event of a heavy rain (kuditji) the hut will not collapse.
Joshua determined and fixed the boundaries of the tribes of Israel; up to that point the land belonged to each individual tribe, etc. In the same way boundaries were accurately defined in days of old, when the Aborigines still existed in large numbers. [It was decided] how far each individual, each local group, or each individual tribe had its boundaries for hunting, [supply of] water, or seed-gathering. To go beyond these appointed boundaries in order to hunt, etc. was very strictly forbidden, as we have already heard in connection with dia. On the other hand, everybody was at liberty to allow his neighbour or special friend to hunt, etc. on his [own] hunting preserve.
This is the name given to those people who have built their hut or wurley on hard ground, in contrast to those who live on the sandhills and are called dakula. For the above reason there was a tribe named Dakala, because the country they inhabited was hard ground.
[The time of] the day is also divided up according to the sun, as in the following paragraphs.
meaning the hour when the sun is already a little way up. (kuparu also denotes the young offspring of animals).
nine o'clock in the morning. karari ditjimiri it is nine o'clock
i.e. 12 o'clock midday.Cf. toda.
more correctly, the sun in transit, i.e. round about three o'clock in the afternoon.
i.e. about six o'clock in the evening.
i.e. sunset.
the cave on the western end of the present-day Mission reserve, where the sun is once supposed to have come out and then to have moved eastward. The sun is represented as a mother, or kana jerto one who satisfies the people.
literally, 'little suns'. It seems strange to me that, in their concept of nature, the Aborigines equated (or compared) the stars more nearly with the sun than with the moon, even in their way of speaking. At this juncture it would take us too far to give any lengthy explanation of sun, moon and stars. On this point, however, it would be well worth the effort to follow up the Australian Aborigines' philosophy of nature. Here we shall merely present a short list of the various constellations, and at a later date explain in greater detail the reasons why and how they arrived at these figurative [concepts].
An inconsolable longing on the part of the pagan world is clearly expressed in these words.
local-clan boundary or tribal boundary, insofar as it affects the gathering of food for physical sustenance and the necessities of life. Every tribe had its tribal boundaries, which existed for the express reason that the bounded tribe should not venture into the territory of the neighbouring tribe. These demarcations, allocations or boundaries served the express purpose of not prejudicing barter or trade, nor of depriving hunting [rights], nor of hindering the hunting of fish and birds, nor of withholding from neighbouring tribes [the opportunity] to gather of every variety of edible roots, vegetables and seeds. Within one's own individual tribal boundary other specific limitations also prevailed. We find that not seldom the tribe itself was divided [into groups], e.g. into loud or soft, fast or slow speakers. The various groups were also classified according to their environment: according to whether they lived on the stony plains, among the sandhills, along a creek, or in the ranges. Each of these [tribal] divisions had its own assigned and sectional piece of land, beyond whose boundary (dia) its [members] were not allowed to go to smuggle in food Furthermore, each camp area had its own appointed limits (dia) for the very same reason; and even within the camp (ngura) each family had its own allotment, beyond whose boundary (dia) it was not allowed to go. But now, since it was impossible strictly to observe these land-laws in every respect, e.g. in connection with patara-paua gum tree seed) which is to be found only along the creeks, there were nevertheless various boundaries (dia) that had, in fact, to be observed, e.g. jaua dia boundary of the small garlic-onion [patch]). The gathering of jaua was preferably a woman's job, for it involved lighter work. The small jaua onions were dug up with a wide-cutting tool (wona digging-stick). If several women had been digging during the day, the end of the section where they had finished digging was called jaua-dia. A strict law prescribed that no other women were perchance to continue on where those had left off. The dia were also named in accordance with the names given to various edible roots and vegetables. Thus there were worduru-dia, mutja-dia, etc. In the case of trees and bushes from which seed was collected, the dia was indicated by hanging some other type of foliage on a branch, or placing it on top of a bush. The law of the old men pirrapintamara, directed to their fellow-tribesmen, ran as follows: wata kana nguruja dia wirinanto you are not to enter within the confines of anybody else's boundary The above-mentioned territorial rights were transmitted to children, and were therefore inheritable as far as both families and local inhabitants were concerned. Any violation of dia (or territorial) rights had to be reported to the nguraia-kapara local headman, and restitution had to be made in accordance with his verdict. Restitution in these instances consisted mainly in the handing back of the very same goods from within one's own dia (or territory). Here, now, is where friendships were established. If two neighbours (male or female) were favourably disposed towards each other, they would go out together, within each other's dia, to gather food. A stranger was not allowed to camp here or there, at will, and simply collect something to eat. He had to present himself to the local headman, who might assign some [camping] spot to him. Nothing was placed in the way of a fairly large wandering group, if, in the course of transit, its [members] gathered or hunted as much [food] as they needed for their bodily sustenance. But, if the group wished to rest for several days, it was required to send a delegation to the nearest residing headman, to inform him of the circumstances. This [procedure] was readily complied with, if only to avert the suspicion that [the visitors] might have sinister designs, or for the added reason that [the home folks] might otherwise run the risk of being invaded by armed forces. If someone wished to stay for any length of time, a place was assigned to him where he could erect a hut, however, only after he had first given the assurance that he was not a spy. In this way hospitality was practised to quite a magnanimous degree, for one took pride in doing so, and even [hoped] one day to be very generously received in the same manner. It was done, therefore, not out of love, but for the sake of recompense. Now, if it happened to rain within one's own dia, but not elsewhere, one did not fail to invite [along] others within whose dia it had not rained, in order to receive reciprocal [treatment] at some future date. With reference to fish, whose environment Reuther: "Bereich". could not be subdivided like the land, for fish live only in water, and because everyone is fond of eating fish at some time, the dia was limited to [only] a number of camps in accordance with the [number of] waterholes available, or extended to include the whole tribe. If, however, one lived beside a lake, one could often observe how [the local inhabitants] caught fish and sent them to those living in other areas. In the case of emu-hunting, matters stood much the same. It is therefore evident from the brief description given above that there would be many dia to speak of, but I cannot enumerate all of them [here]. The various dia are as numerous as the types of edible seeds and roots that exist. Thus [there are] paia-dia bird boundaries and warukati-dia emu boundaries, etc.
i.e. a person who has illegally contravened the laws pertaining to the dia, It would perhaps be more correct to say that diakantji means boundary trespasser, with or without permission, for either was possible. As to unlawful [entry], the point is that dia trespassers [acted] contrary to the laws of the pirramara.On the other hand, under certain provisos [laid down] from time immemorial Reuther: "von den Vaetern her". with respect to individual muramura, it was to all intents and purposes permissible for certain people to overstep the dia. The fact is that [inter-tribal] ceremonies Reuther: "Verehrung der Goetter" 'veneration of the gods'. annulled [certain] specific rules. [To quote an example]: N.N. worships the muramura Darana as his demi-god. Reuther: "Untergott". N.N. lives in Diari tribal territory, yet in the course of his wanderings Darana passed through the territory of neighbouring tribes or even of numerous [other] tribes. Thus it comes about that people from various tribes [today] venerate one and the same muramura. Darana died, incidentally, inside the territory of another tribe, where [today] some stone or petrified tree stands or lies as his mummified remains. N.N. would now like to worship this 'demigod' and rub the stone with fat, as a mark of religious veneration. The dia law would [normally] prohibit him fron going beyond the territory of his own tribe, but in this instance religious law Reuther: "das Gottesgesetz". takes precedence over tribal law. Undeterred, [our] god-worshipper passes through the land, accompanied perhaps by several fellow-worshippers of his own muramura. Following the footprints of his muramura, he crosses over [various] boundaries, until [he reaches] the place-of-death of his god, to whom (he believes) he owes his respects. Therefore, nothing is placed in the way of N.N. as a wayfarer (pilgrim); indeed, it is possible he may actually meet up on the way with one or another fellow-worshipper who becomes an intimate bosom-friend. Since the fathers had travel led this path from the beginning [of time], no hindrance was placed in the Way of their descendants, except that wayfarers were never to forget that here the strictest virtue was demanded, albeit pagan virtue. It was forbidden for moral offences to be committed, or for goods to be smuggled, or for subtle spying or treachery to come to light. If the latter did occur, fighting, war or death were the inevitable result, On the other hand, such wayfarers were not allowed to be molested, for if one such member of his tribe did not return home again, suspicions of murder might be entertained and vengeance be planned. Such persons were called diakantji, because they had overstepped the dia.
When someone mourns for a friend or relative, he usually sits behind a brush shelter. If another man throws a boomerang in that direction, it is looked upon as though he should like to have killed the deceased man again, even after his [death] has already been avenged. The death penalty followed upon such an action.
Of course, the pagan dares not overhear what would be unkind to him. What is more, he likes to be highly flattered. Only during a raging temper are such ngirkibani-tala humorous nicknames uttered. These, of course, are regarded as deeply insulting, and it is not seldom that they attract death in their wake. For the pagan, true friendship does not exactly consist in making each other aware of the other's mistakes (certainly not of his physical defects), but in knowing how to really flatter each other. On the other hand, I would say this from personal experience: 'Don't call anyone a friend who has not told you something you don't like'. diltja, combined with a verb, always denotes the 'strongest, noblest, and most frightful', particularly in respect to natural phenomena. However, a phenomenon may be described in more powerful words by means of re-duplication: woldra diltjadiltja very severe heat (intense summer heat) as in: woldra diltjadiltjali kana wariwaribai severe heat makes a person faint, weak, languid talara diltjadiltja majawarli terkai rain sinew stands firm and fixed the lightning is very severe, dangerous, dreadful It is strange that the natives should have a curse-word to describe lightning and violent storms. It corresponds exactly with a curse-word that I heard in my youth. (Here I merely wish to record that the word is talara kidni). It is said to have often occurred that people were struck by lightning. This was naturally thought to have happened out of punishment (in reprisal) for using that curse-word. Therefore children were forbidden to point at the lightning with their fingers, or ever to use that word. At the same time they were instructed by their elders not to leave the hut during a violent storm, or, if they were out 'bush', not to run fast nor stand under a hollow tree. All fires had to be put out, and all polished weapons had to be buried in the ground.
To listen obediently applies equally in respect to one's relatives and friends.
The bone-marrow of animals was used for rubbing in the body, whenever pain occurred or made itself perceptible in any spot. If in winter a man had to go into the water to fetch fish from the net, he would [first] rub in his skin with durintji, to prevent it from cracking. durintji was also the name for damp earth, through which one had to dig before striking water when making a soakage. If it cooled off after several hot days, the cooled earth was called durintji. karari kilpa durintji, karari ngaiani wapananto tiririla now the ground is cool, now we can go off to fight Even the skeleton stem of the kalumpa bush was called durintji. kalumpaia durintji ngumu pirna nganai tajila the stems of the kalumpa plant are very good to eat In the case of all plants, roots and trees the heart [or "core"] is known as moku; the fleshy part surrounding the moku is known as durintji; and the outer part, or skin, is the tala, The same applies to seed. When rain has just fallen and the water is still fresh, it is called durintji, i.e. ngapa durintji. karari ngapa durintji parai, karari ngaiani murlali nganananto now that fresh rainwater is lying about, we ought to be happy In this [area] there grows a [type of] needle-bush known as kulua. When the leaves and stems are burnt off at the top, water congregates in its roots. This water or juice is called durintji. Anybody knowing this, and close to perishing of thirst, can thereby save his life.
This happens when neighbouring tribes combine to face an enemy more powerful than themselves. jakajai! ngato naji, ngaianini tula kana-mudla duldruwana warai goodness gracious, I can see (from the various [types of] faces) that our enemies hue combined [forces] with other tribes
when many people [go out to] collect seed and jointly store it up for a later date. ngankanau! ja ngaiani bakana ngankai paua duldruwala woljaia [you] get to work, for we too are working, to store up seed for a later date
Depending on the direction from which the prevailing wind blows, the doorway is placed on the opposite side [of a wurley], so that any smoke may have free egress. ngato pungaia mana dantjamala nganai watarandru I will change the position of the doorway (entrance) to my wurley because of the wind
The expression is mura dikana (and not muramura dikana), because the mura is respected on account of or through the muramura.
This expression is used also when the name of a dead person is mentioned and thereby the old wound [of personal loss] is opened up again.
Sneezing is interpreted as an omen of affirmation or denial. It is regarded by people who are sick as a sign of recovery. If a relative is on his way to visit a sick friend or relative, and has to sneeze, this is a sure sign that death will not occur. When people are sitting in front of a hole, uncertain as to whether there is an animal inside, and someone is forced to sneeze, this is an omen that there is prey for the taking and that digging will bring reward.
they come after him (in the line of descent). This form of expression derives from the fact that the elder brother exercises the right of guardianship over his brothers and sisters; hence the obligation devolves upon him to support and protect them, as is here expressed in a figurative manner.
It is rumoured that during an eclipse of the sun the kutji devil is passing by with a billi net-bag, and on that account the sun is unable to shine. As soon as the eclipse begins, the kunki witchdoctor orders the people to flee from the sandhills and come down on to firm ground, for the sandhills will burst into flame.
i.e., one imagined a hole in the ground into which the sun slips during its setting, and out of which it rises again next morning.
and to sit down quietly wihout saying a word. A peculiar custom is to come without speaking a word, and to enter a friend's hut without saying anything. Only gradually does the conversation begin. Enemies and strangers must announce their arrival at a certain distance from the camp.
As a visitor, a native man makes no demands; anything [he may want] must be offered to him, If he is offered nothing, he regards this at all times as an insult, In some circumstances if the wife is not obliging [with food] this can lead to [serious] arguments.
This type of axe (and, therefore, also this word) is known only to the Diari Kujani and Mardala tribes and was introduced among its neighbours by the latter. A certain people, reputed to be very fierce, once had their home in the Flinders Ranges. Their obsession was to invade the territory of their neighbours, in order to carry on slaughter and massacre. For this purpose they utilized the said axe (diaturu). Strangely enough, only one or two men [are said to have] always appeared on the scene; and, whereas at such times two men could be discerned at a distance, only one man showed up at close range. They were thought to be invincible, hence the panic and fear of them. Nobody dared to penetrate the territory of these people. Only their fires by night testified of their presence. These dreaded and murderous he-men Reuther: "Helden". were known as pajiri or nandranietja, i.e. killers. They are described as having been very tall and dark, and to have generally carried a very large net-bag. What is more, their extraordinary vagary consisted in this that they kidnapped (stole) people, preferably young folk and particularly women; and when they had taken them captive, they would drag them up into the Ranges. Here they mentally confused them to such a degree, that [their captives] lost all sense of direction, Consequently they could no longer find their way back, simply because they no longer knew the direction of their [own] tribal territory. And so they were forced to regard themselves as genuine prisoners. The above [information] was once related by a young man who [himself] had fallen captive to these people and who turned up in later years when his name had already been forgotten. If two men, or even one, suddenly penetrated into neighbouring territory and came across a married couple, they would kill the husband with the diaturu, whilst they led away his wife, For this reason nobody would venture anywhere near the Flinders Ranges without taking special protective measures. The above involves probably a strange and fierce tribe from the south, inasmuch as the Flinders Ranges undoubtedly formed the boundary between the infiltrating and advancing tribes along Cooper Creek from the north and those [situated] more to the south, [originating] perhaps from the Darling River in New South Wales, or from the east coast of Australia, from whence the displacement of native tribes took place.
by rubbing (two sticks together). pinarali turu dakana wonti pita mandrujeli the old people used to make fire with two sticks
to sew up an animal that has been opened after the entrails have been removed. This [stitching up] is done with a sharp bone or small twig. nurujeli ninaia mundingna dakau, muntju wariati quickly sew the body shut, otherwise blow-flies may get inside
through the gills of fish that have been caught, in order to [be able to] carry them home. worderuntja paru jundru milla dakana warai? how many fish did you thread on to the reed?
This is done for the sake of good looks (personal appearance), so that the upper lip should not protrude.
A bone is stuck through the central nasal wall as a [form of] decoration.
This is the sort of thing said about friends, contemporaries kalamarra) or old people who have outlived their own age-group.
on the part of a father. nunkani ngaperali kupa marapu dankana wonti his father begat many children
on the part of a mother. kupa kantji batana to conceive a child
This was done by whetting (rubbing) it against another stone. karari ngaiani kalara dingala nganai, dankubana ngaiani pita wokaribala nganai today we will sharpen the axe; [then] tomorrow we will chop down some wood
with two rubbing-sticks. nurujeli turu dingamai karari, dankubana pita tjanka pantjiati kindle (rub) a fire today; tomorrow the wood may be damp
These are used to fix symbols on the body for ceremonial occasions. jundru tiripoto dingana warai pingaia? have you already mixed the down-feathers with pipe-clay for our vendetta?
which is used as a decoration. miritipa ngato kintala jampandru damana warai I have cut the tail off a wild dog
If a man effecting an exchange of goods has contributed his portion [of the deal], but has not received his share of articles at the right time, he can go and take his portion back again.
This expression is used when flesh is cut from a dead body for [the purpose of] eating. A small portion of flesh is cut from the cheeks, breast, or thigh of a dead person; these are then cut into small pieces, and [distributed to be] eaten by the relatives. The purpose of this is to forget the deceased as guickly as possible, so as not to grieve too deeply.
to open a vein, in order to obtain blood with which to stick feathers on the body in various designs [or motifs]; alternatively, to let blood drip on to the body of a wiljaru young initiate. The tjutju mythical crocodile is also sprinkled with it during the mindiri-wima mindiri ceremony.
A man was so named who immediately grabbed for his stone-knife.
[This word] is used when a pinga blood-avenger group invades a camp and looks around carefully to ensure that the right person is killed. dantjumana taranau ja ngura kapikapianau N.H. kutingaiati look carefully around you, and surround the camp, lest N.H. should escape .
to make the grave-mound nice and straight. ngaiani kamaneli ngaianani dantjumana todinanto wondrala ngaiani nari ngundrai we want to bury our friend with tender care (to prepare a nice grave-mound for our friend), to show that we think of (or honour) our dead Note: The pieces of wood that are laid on the grave-mound are called watimoku, and must all lie evenly, in a straight line. The buried person was designated kana tinka, which is the equivalent of night man ["Nacht mensch"], or, more freely translated, 'man of the night' ["Mensch in der Nacht"]. The reason for this was that the deceased could no longer see earth's face. [The phrase] kana nari dead man was regarded as jaura madlentji bad word, and offensive to [loved ones] left behind. The descriptive, nari dead, was applied only in the case of dead animals or of dried up plants, trees and shrubs. One experiences time and again that the Aborigines would like to have [the term] nari unused as much as possible.
What is meant here, fundamentally, is that bequested articles are kept and put aside until the day of distribution. Every single person who rendered some kindly act of service on behalf of the deceased after his demise, an act duly noted by his friends, since relatives and survivors are embarrassed by the death of one of their nearest-of-kin, for death is not the natural result of sin, but a [form of] disgrace [brought about] by some secret power, receives some portion of the estate as a token of gratitude.
First a spot is cleared of small undergrowth, then green branches are laid over the area, allowed to dry out, and [finally] the seed thrashed out.
The deceased is known as kana tinka night man. The spirit Likewise he at first wrote "Seele" to describe the kutji, but changed this to "Geist". of the deceased is said to come out of the grave by night, therefore the earth around the grave-mound is cleared. Should anyone come near the grave-mound by night, the [spirit] will return to its grave.
As a rule, one camp passes on the news, advice, or invitation, etc. to the next; that is to say, [each one] passes it on. Hence the repetition ngura kulno ngura kulno.
By the "Hole" is meant here a place near Kudnangaua, where an animal is dug up, which is accorded divine honours at the so-called mindiri ceremony [or festival]. karari ngaiani dalpadakijiribamalinanto minkaia mindiri wimaia now we should invite each other [at the hole] to the mindiri song we must now let the invitations go out for the mindiri ceremony (song) at the Hole This solemn and joyous festival is common to all the surrounding tribes, and their various gods are honoured in connection therewith.
This is done by those who are to undergo circumcision.
This is done by [her] elder brother.
That is to say, if a young man and maiden together lay a dead body into a grave, the girl's [elder] brother promises her to this young man.
Millstones are passed on to the son as the heir, but since he would always be reminded by it of his deceased father, he promises it to a friend while his father is still alive. A good millstone is a substantial part of an inheritance, as these have to be carried on the head from a far distance.
This occurs through a certain bird. Whenever its call is heard, it heralds [or presages] a flood.
The crows do this. If a man has lost his way and thereby comes to mortal grief, people go out to find and bury him. If, from a distance, crows are observed flying up and down, they [are said to] dalpadakana, for it may be assumed with [fair] certainty that the dead body will be lying there.
to give girls illegally into marriage, or into an irregular marriage, i.e. not to give girls, who have been promised since childhood, to those to whom they were betrothed. mina kana jura? jura mankara duljaduljamai? what people you? you girls illegally give in marriage? what kind of people are you? Do you give your girls into irregular marriages?]
This is done by invocation and by hurling a kirra in amongst the waves.
After a certain type of grubs (muluru) have been gathered into a wooden bowl, they are nipped, pinched off (dijana), then dried, and later eaten.
The song or prayer runs as follows: Pantutaliralingatonadiajati Should this perhaps not read Pantutaliralingatojidnadijaiati? (Pantu lake, taliri hoar-frost or salt, -li with, ngato I, na jidna you, dijana to check, -ati verbal form used for punishing or threatening. The meaning is: 'with salt from the lake will I banish you'. That is to say, the patient is rubbed [in] with salt. This song is applied in the case of many kinds of sickness.
after they have at first been fleshed or scraped hollow.
When a person is intent on committing mischief against people living alongside of water, he [strikes] (dijana) the water, i.e. he places an old wona (weapon) digging-stick] into the waterhole or lake. This is supposed to dry (suck) up all the water.
This also indicates that a friend will be calling in on the following day.
No sooner has a circle been formed during the course of an emu-hunt, to contain [a flock of] emus within it, when the three men nearest the centre make a huge turukudna as a signal to the others that the 'drive' is now to begin. From this fiery smoke-column one man throws a wrapped-up emu eye in the direction where the emus are [standing]. This is supposed to have the magical effect of having already 'killed' the emus, so that now they still have only to be caught.
Should it come to pass that a larger group threatens to invade a smaller one, the latter [group] sits down at some distance from the camp, on a slight elevation from which they can keep the oncomers under scrutiny. Here they sit in crescent formation around a fire made in a [hollow] depression. If the enemy is within sight, all eyes are turned in his direction, whilst string is being twirled on the thighs. This finished, it is snapped in pieces across the forehead and tossed into the fire, to signify that thus they [i.e. the locals] will smash in (jinkali dijana) the foreheads of the oncomers. Thereby the enemy is already vanquished, as it were. Another piece of string is snapped across the upper part of the thigh, (at which spot the point of a spear is usually aimed), as a [further] sign that the [locals] will spear the enemy in this region and that they are already speared, as it were. If a reconciliation or victory is achieved, it is naturally [thought that] the string has brought this about. It stands to reason, of course, that all this has been accompanied by invocation (prayer) and song.
Let us assume, for example, that the father has died of a man who loved him very dearly. Thereby the latter has been deprived of all the joys of living. Since red is the [symbolic] colour of joy, he tries, in his despondency, to prejudice (prevent) the joy of others also by changing everything red to white, (as the [symbolic] colour of mourning), thus seeking to exterminate the red. Since not even this can be effected without invocation (prayer) to the "gods", he chants: Tudnalijawonamatujelijidnipirraterilawapaia you with gypsum (white) and wonamatu type of bush the red earth cover up, [i.e. cover the red earth with gypsum and the wonamatu bush, so that nobody else may have any for decorating [himself] at festive ceremonies. Tudna gypsum, -li with and, wonamatu type of bush; -li with; jidni you, pirraterina to cover up, wapaia present tense.
Assuming that my child has fallen into another man's soakage[-well] and I have become quite incensed at this, I take a stick, "sing" it, and plant it in the soakage, so that the water turns brackish and people can no longer drink of its Meanwhile, the previously quoted chant is sung: Pantutaliralingatonadiajati. Cf. tjurunani dijana [15].
During the catching and 'driving' of fish, stakes are erected in the water, extending from both banks. This serves as a fence, as it were, and is called tinka night. Only in the middle, where the water is deepest, a gap is left where several men, holding a net, take up their positions. Other men 'drive' the fish forward. The fence is meant to envelope them in darkness (night), so that there is nothing left for the fish than to escape from their pursuers through this gap. However, by so doing they finish up in the net. Cf. dundu.
If, for example, a father and his children have a waterless stretch of country to traverse, involving about one and a half days, and the water is depleted by evening, he will "sing" away the night to make it pass quickly, so that their thirst may not become too severe and so that he succeeds in bringing his loved ones through alive, so as to [be able to] continue their journey. This is called tinka dijana. The song goes: Ljuruljuruljurukamiangurangurawarujawarujerranguramarananikajerrawipiwipidakanataraiatikodawinkumawinkumapariwilpangankukaritjima This should probably read karitjimai. . cf. chant: prayer No. 180. grandmother! towards this place, towards this place where I linger, may the rosy dawn ascend, (may the fog disappear)! may the sun arise! may the moon disappear, disappear! may the bowl of night turn over (may the heavens turn round)
in other words, to sing away the winter or the cold weather, so that summer and the warm weather may soon come. These two stars appear in the southern starry sky during winter. They are entreated to quickly disappear and make way for summer. (See the legend of Kalukupana).
Fragments are split from a larger, hard stone. These are then utilized as stone knives.
in water. After it is dried out, the flax-bush (known as punku) is laid into water and left there for several days to grow slack or turn acidy Reuther: "stocken oder brennen". When it has reached the stage where the bark which forms the [actual] flax loosens from the stem, it is treadled (dijana) in the water by foot, (kneaded, as it were), and then taken out. punku matja jerkina warai, ngaiana ninaia dijananto the punku is almost slaked; we must treadle it [now]
This, of course, is attempted through song. [The idea is] that the emus shall become very thirsty and thus soon fall into the hands of their pursuers. The song [intended to achieve this] runs as follows: Jindikudulkudakangatokudulkudaka you in your body pains get, i.e. may you develop an intense thirst, even as I am very thirsty.
in the event of sickness to suck it out of a person's body. If anyone is sick, the kunki witch-doctor is called in to cure (kunki manina to bedoctor) the patient. First the [doctor] plucks a few hairs from his armpit, then allows these, together with a little fat, to burn away on a glowing coal. When the coal has almost gone out, he rubs it in both hands and holds it in front of the patient's nose so as to let him smell it. After the kunki has stroked the patient's body with both hands, from his chest down to his legs, he asks the patient regarding the whereabouts of his pain. If he is accurately informed of this, he touches (dapana) the infected and painful spot with his mouth. This he does repeatedly, and as often as he performs this act (dapana), he spits a little blood into a wooden dish placed at his side, into which some water has been poured. But [to enable him] to do this, he [first] slits his gums with a sharp bone. Before very long he spits out [some] small pebbles or chips of wood into the wooden dish, to show the bystanders (people) what rubbish he has extracted from this infected area of the body. "Tomorrow", is his final decree, "we shall see whether you have improved or not". If the patient has not improved, the process is repeated and even another kunki is called in. A kunki eats no fat, nor may he smell anything burnt, for this would render him incompetent in his profession.
The kulua is a thorny bush. When it has been burnt to the ground and its roots dug up, one may obtain as much water from its off-cut roots as may save a man from perishing.
It stands to reason, as a matter of course, that a man demonstrates his sympathy for a kinsman.
When the older men returned home after killing a man, the young men had to lie with their backs to the ground. The blood [still] adhering to the spears was washed off and allowed to trickle into their mouths. The purpose of this was that they should not be afraid of blood when they accompanied [their elders] into battle.
The fact is, when no flesh is cut from a dead body and eaten, the body is kissed (palku dapana).
Only an elder brother may venture to start this, for the younger has to submit, because the neji as the elder brother exercises the powers of guardianship.
so that one is thereby no longer reminded of the deceased.
this small type of onion is roasted in the ashes and then rubbed, so that the peel loosens and falls through the fingers, the wind blowing it away.
In this instance the women are called 'children'. Women are sent to where men are in fear of their lives, for no woman may be killed.
This is done in order to authenticate (ensure) Reuther: "zur Versicherung". the invitation to a vendetta.
When a vendetta group invades a camp in which no men are to be found, the women go and rip off the kabuluru from the heads of the vengeance-breathing men, saying [to them]: kabuluru deribanau, ninkida materi pani tear off the kabuluru; there are no men here Such a pinga [group] is shamefully abused and ridiculed as though it regarded lopped trees Felled trees are an indivisible feature around any Aboriginal camp. to be men. Women are not allowed to be assaulted by an enemy.
It is noteworthy that, when the Aborigines want a good waterbag, they start skinning the animal from the head downwards.
If, for example, a man has been destined to die and no longer sees a way of escape, he stamps his feet on the ground and says: ninkida ngana naria nandrau, ninkida ngani nari parananto here me dead strike, here I dead want to be buried strike me dead right here; this is where I want to be buried
The fall of a shooting star signifies that someone (in the direction indicated) will be murdered the next day.
Evening commences at ditji ngaltingalti when the sun is about to set, and lasts until folks retire to sleep. At evening the second meal for the day is partaken of. Suppertime for each individual family differs according to whether the 'native' returns to camp early or late in the evening. As soon as one or the other returns home from the hunt or from seed-gathering, the meal is got ready. It is roasted, ground, pounded or baked in the ashes, and then eaten. When a man has a large family, the nearest relatives will contribute some food; otherwise fellow-inhabitants of the camp lend their support. For the Australian Aboriginal, evening is the loveliest time [of the day]. A father sits down and relates the legend of his muramura to his young son, or sings his Mura song to him. Another man yonder is diligently at work with a stone-knife on his [new] weapon. One woman is pounding a variety of [edible] seed, while another pounds some other variety of seed for breakfast which cannot [simply] be rubbed. Another man weaves at his net-bag, or spins a yarn [of hair-string]. If there is plenty of food available, the time of evening is spent in other ways. The men may have something secret to discuss, therefore they have made a fire at some distance from the camp and are squatting around in a circle. Should this not be the case, then the men and women [may] sit together and relate the day's happenings to each other, or introduce some game. Usually, however, the women sit among themselves in a group, to entertain each other. [But] young men and girls may not play together.
Why this expression? A widow, her face daubed (white-washed) with gypsum-clay, mourns for her dead husband at a lonely spot remote [from the camp]. She may neither wander about [in the bush], nor remain in camp. By wandering about, she could chance upon footprints by which she would recognise her husband. In camp, [on the other hand], where her husband lived, she would, of course, be constantly reminded of him. [So] that she might, at all events, soon forget her husband, she leaves in the morning at daybreak and returns again at night when it is growing dark. Hence the above expression. Usually, during her period of mourning, a widow passes the time of day at a spot in the direction opposite to that of her husband's grave.
As semi-adult youths, they walk about on their own (kantala), and, like the widow, come back at night, only to leave again in the morning [and go bush].
According to legend, twilight and morning red are the outstretched hands of mother sun, as, with hands raised above her head, she withdraws to a hole in the ground, wanders through the earth [during the night], and re-appears next morning, hands first. If the glowing twilight casts its rays still higher heavenwards, it is common to say: billi diltja marrai kana kurarala the net-bag is being distended to put people in it Dead people are wrapped up in a special type of net-bag for burial. See elsewhere in this Dictionary That is, there is going to be an epidemic, [causing] lots of people to die.
As in the case of the crow, so also in the case of the eagle, it is assumed that the devil disguises himself in the latter. The devil comes on foot, from afar, [dressed] in tidnanipa footwear. The original manuscript oddly reads "Fussbegleitung" instead of Fussbekleidung. What is meant are feathered 'kurdaitcha' shoes. But as soon as he approaches the presence of people, he disguises himself as a bird and perches on a tree in the vicinity of the camp. His intention is to abduct (rob) human souls, with whom he then returns to his own country. Where his habitat is, nobody knows. Should a person now [chance to] be sick in camp and a karawora has been observed in the neighbourhood, it may be assumed with certainty that the latter was a kutji who has borne away the soul of the sick man. Such a patient may still linger on for a few more days, but he will never recover. And so one lives in constant dread, whenever a person falls a prey to sickness and an eagle shows up not far away. The karawora is also represented as a mardu. The feathers of the karawora are used whenever petitions are offered up for rain. Only the old people may eat of its flesh, since it will do them no harm. However, should young people eat of it, they will grow so lean that, in the end, they will no longer be able to walk; and only through the skill of the kunki is it possible to keep such people alive.
These stones still possess magical powers to this day. If one man is at enmity with another, he goes thither and secretly rubs these stones. Thereupon the [victimized] person never feels satisfied, he may eat as much as he likes. The person cast under such a spell even senses within himself that he has been bewitched. Out of a spirit of reverence the [above] stones are rubbed again and again with fat by those who venerate Darana.
[Such an attitude] is regarded as a sign of disrespect.
A small piece of flesh [taken] from a deceased friend is cooked and eaten, in order to dispel sadness. Should this have become impossible for someone, he smells around [at the place] where such flesh has been cooked.
This was done in the case of those people who venerated the "god" of red ochre, whose memorial in stone is to be found in the vicinity of Paratjanla. This is undoubtedly the place popularly known today as Parachilna. While he was still alive at the age of 90, Mr. Johannes Gustav Irrgang, (who spent 40 years among the Diaris) told me in December 1965 that this dark pink (not "red") ochre was obtained at Parachilna right on top of the range. They wanted thereby to give themselves a different appearance in the eyes of the deceased; they wanted to become different (new) people.
This is said of a person who speaks now one way, now another, and who quickly switches his mind to this or that opinion. nauja kana miltjamiltja, jaura nunkani wata morlalu he man changeable as the weather, words his not certain he is a capricious fellow; his word is unreliable (his words are not true)
The meaning is to feel a sense of pity for a dead man, when one is reminded of him at the sight of his footprints. nunkangu tidnani ngani kalumiltjamiltjariai, nau karari nari ja tidna nunkani parai to him footprints I am grieved, he now dead and footprints his (still) lie there I feel sad about those footprints (still visible on the wet ground); he has died, but his prints are still there
The kalu, as the seat of the emotions, has some application here insofar as such couples, born on the same day, usually establish a close friendship, and love, respect, and support each other.
Just as the heart (ngara) is regarded, grammatically, as the wellspring Reuther: "Brunnenstube" of the processes of the conscience, so the liver (kalu) is regarded as the wellspring of the emotional (manu) processes. Literally, therefore, it: means: 'for the liver to burst open', somewhat as in the case of a real ulcer.
strange to say, these premonitions often turned into reality.
The point here in question concerns a waterless stretch of country, which [had] to be traversed by night because of the cooler conditions [then prevailing]. Since campsites are usually located on the top of sand[hills] and offer a commanding view for keeping close watch, fires are visible from these elevations up to long distances away. Furthermore, since one can pretty well anticipate when visitors may be coming in the near future and from which direction they will arrive, and, what is more, since any local waterless stretches are well known, a [distress] fire signal is only too readily understood. A responding fire conveys the reply: 'yes, water will be on the way soon'.
If one man aims in this direction, the other aims in that. nulia ngana kirrali nurujieli kalabana warai, ja jeruia ngali wonina warai tirimalila he me (acc.) with a boomerang quickly answered and so we both began to fight I threw a boomerang in his direction, and he responded by throwing [one] at me; in this way we started a fight
This is a kind of enquiry Reuther: "Totenfrage". into the death.
This is a special type of head-covering worn by the ring-leader of a vendetta group. naribillieli kalabai ngaiani morlalu ninkida kana kulno nandrala nganai the death-cap replies we certainly here man one slay will the death-cap on our ring-leader's head says that we are here [expressly] to slay a man in this camp The implied question is: [what do we want, an armed and disguised group?] The meaning of the sentence is: 'What is our purpose, as a stealthy, armed, and disguised group [of men]? Answer: the death-cap on our ring-leader's head says that we are here [expressly] to slay a man in this camp.
This sentence bears particular reference to the totemic ancestors (gods). Reuther: "Getter". The request (prayer) for rain is, [as it were], the question, and the strip of [localised] rain is the totemic rain-ancestor's Reuther: "des Regengottes" reply.
namely, when on a summer's night lightning flashes in both the east and the west. Before long thunderstorms will come up, and cause rain to fall. The totemic rain-ancestor in the west asks, as it were, and the one in the east Reuther inadvertently repeated: "in the west". responds to the native peoples' petitions.
For instance, when one believes to have had a premonition that day, the question is: Where have they killed a man? A shooting star at night provides the answer: in the direction where it took a downward circular sweep lies the man who was slain.
The point in question here is the invocation (prayer) to the totemic wind-ancestor, Reuther: "Windgott". in connection with which the bark of trees is used. The response to this is the wind. The wind that is meant here is for the cooling off [of the atmosphere] and is greatly desired when the weather has been hot for several days, so that one could do little or no hunting for fear of burning one's feet, and consequently a shortage of food has set in.
Subordinate totemic rain-ancestors Reuther: "Regenuntergoetter". Some of these names are listed among the muramura, under No. 1522 in the Dictionary. are: Godagodana, Muntjuruwani, Muludrani, Manini, Wonamarani, Kikiljana, Karingarlana, Mankarapajina, Pampuwulana, Kiljalpani, Kaldrimitjini, Mandraparkulunu, Kudnawakuna. Both Pampuwulana and Godagodana are held in [somewhat] higher regard by the local 'natives'. Each one of the above has been symbolised in stone. When anyone desires to petition for rain, the stone is rubbed with fat to the accompaniment of singing. If, now, a thunderstorm or rain-clouds come up as the result, then the Mura has responded (kalabana), as he did to the muramura in days of yore. It must be noted here that the [great] rain-ancestor has assigned to each subordinate totemic ancestor his [respective] place in the heavens, where he will answer him. Should it [therefore] thunder directly in the east, then the subordinate ancestor Kudnawakuna has been heard [and had his request granted]; if in the south-west, then Muludrunu; if in the south-east, Mandraparkulunu; if in the south, Maniwalkuni; in the south-west Turupiwulu; in the south-south-west Kikiljana, and Mankarapajina next to him; in the west Karingarla; in the north-west Tipangapana and Godagodana alongside of him; in the north Pudlaparanina; in the north-east Munjuruwani; then Killalpani, then Pampuwulana, then Bukani, and [finally] Kaldrimitjini.
Should hills or trees prevent a man from making his presence in the neighbourhood known by means of a fire-stick, then he may do so by making a hollow (echoing) sound with two boomerangs. Or should a man, by means of a firestick, betray [the fact] that he is not certain of the track, or that he is seeking to attack his enemy by night, he lets himself be heard in a soft echo, so as not to become separated [from others] in the direction of travel. This also serves to lure one's companions [to join the ranks]. For example, one man asks in an echoing note: woderi jidniji where are you? And the other replies in the same echoing note: ninkida ngani here I am
The witchdoctors see the blood then also, and the wounds of the soul. This is a sign that the soul demands vengeance for the killing of its body.
If the owner's things are no longer lying as he put them down, or if they are [lying] scattered about, this is a sure indication to him that his possessions have been searched and that something of his has been taken.
The [spirit of] compassion consists in this that one invites others to secure a [temporary] living inside one's own section of country, [circumscribed by the local horde].
The emus are driven towards the water which has been surrounded [by hunters at a secluded distance], and when they attempt to wade into the water, they are struck down.
This is a common incidence among the Aborigines. Under the armpit they develop a sort of lump or swelling.
These perspiration hairs in the armpit are used by witchdoctors as a means of curing patients. When the former is called in to [attend] a patient, he tears several hairs from his [own] armpit, places them on to a glowing coal to be singed, and lets the patient smell it. When the coal is extinguished, the witchdoctor pulverizes it in his hands, mixes some fat with it, and rubs the patient in with it.
This boasting applies mainly to physical strength. When this type of man was overpowered by others, he had to sing his mura [song] like a man was forced to do, when he was condemned to die. Judged by pagan standards (custom), this was a great humiliation.
Whenever someone had finished [making] an article, he was obliged to display it, for it was an offence against the [spirit of] community for one to keep anything secret.
This applies to the witchdoctors tidnanipa pakibau wapala put on the [feather] shoes before you go
Thus speaks the wife's eldest brother, who is responsible for (has authority over) his sister.
As often as a new song is introduced, a symbol is erased until the itikaru [is reached]; the song is then ended. cf. Volume X, pp.114-128, describing the itikaru and the mindiri wima. itikaru matja mudana warai tankubana, malka matja kalina itikaru-song already finished towards morning, symbols already extinguished when the itikaru song is ended by morning, all symbols [pertaining thereto] are erased
Emus, of course, are waylaid and killed at waterholes.
These [weapons] were traded by Aborigines down the Diamantina River (Creek), in exchange for red ochre, etc. They were used to manufacture boomerangs and wooden articles in general.
to surround it with men and then chase the wallabies uphill. ngaiani ninaia marda kapikapinanto, nganti mara nauja we him stone (hill) must surround, animals with he our plan must be to encircle the range and chase uphill, for it is covered with game. Meant are mostly wallabies that have their habitat in the ranges.
One of the 'natives' chases the water-birds towards the nets, while the others lie in wait to kill them.
The belt, of course, consists of twisted [yarn of] human hair Reuther: "aus gezirnten Menschenhaaren" [instead of gezwirnten] tied around the waist, and is not taken off by day or by night. ngato mantamanta karai kapa ngururila I belt tie around waist to strengthen I put on my belt to reinforce my abdominal [muscles]. This happens especially when a man gets ready for combat or when he has a long way to travel on foot.
The mutja plant is eaten. However, since it has very tough (leathery) leaves, the stalks are first tied together and scorched [or cured] Reuther: "bruehen" literally: 'to scald'. It is difficult to find a really adequate English term for this 'cooking' process. in hot ashes, thereby losing their leathery taste.
to tie reeds together with string and attach emu-feathers thereto. This ceremonial emblem Reuther: "Goetterabzeichen". resembles a sort of three-legged organ-stool with a bunch of emu feathers on top.
kaluka is here a paraphrastic term for pir[r]anguru bartered wife Reuther: "Frauenliebhaber" . With reference to death and the contravention of laws handed down by the fathers, the 'native' [speaker] is keen to choose figurative expressions. matja jidnana kaluka karai pirranguruetjata? already you [acc.] a woman touched other women-fanciers? have you become involved with a woman belonging to another [man]?
A dundru is a shallow net [attached] to a wooden ring, wherewith fish are lifted out of the water.
When the Aborigines go out to gather pitjiri, they are directed by the local tribe to a spot where they may collect it. Thereby they are placed at the grace [and mercy] of the local tribe. In order to obtain this, they usually bring along gifts.
The point in question in this case is the mood of the eldest brother or of the parents of the widow (if these are still alive); or, in the contrary case, the mood of the local camp inhabitants, if the suitor [happens to] belong to the same tribe; or the attitude of the neighbouring tribe to the man concerned.
maraljerra is the name applied to youths from the age of semi-maturity to the time that they are circumcised to become men. They must camp on their own. kanani tanaia maraljerra kaukaubau, tanaia milkila nganananto to the men they maraljerra tell, they know must tell the [young] men that they are obliged to camp separately, so that they know. This concerns those who have reached sexual maturity, and who, for reasons of temptation, are no longer allowed to stay on in camp during the daytime in the presence of girls and naked women.
That is to say, if a crow perches on a bush opposite the camp, and caws, this is [regarded as] a sure indication that a friend has been killed.
The tiwilitja is a type of sparrow that flies about that here is a person ordained to die. If someone in the camp is to be killed, the Aborigines already sense this several days in advance, and this intuition [premonition] is described as an activity of the heart.
The humming of the ear indicates that visitors will come; they are announced in this way.
This bitter feeling in the stomach is an omen that a blood relative is coming.
If the sun or moon has a halo, the native says that [either one or the other] is building a wurley around itself as an indication of approaching rain. As soon as the 'native' catches sight of this halo around the sun or moon, he repairs his wurley and gets it ready for the rain that is on the way.
When flies get very troublesome, this is a sign of rain approaching.
Among the men these are the pirrapintamara instructors in the law, but among the women these are the older members. In rare cases this word also stands for 'gossipers'. Apart from that, it has a good connotation.
Boughs or bushes are laid across each other in a semi-circle, or stuck [into the ground] on the windward side. Behind these protection is sought and obtained from the wind. It can be readily understood that a naked Aboriginal man, especially when he is on walkabout, selects a site for the night-camp, where he has sufficient firewood to burn for the night and where bushes are available for a katu, so that he is able to protect his body against the nocturnal cold. At home in the camp, in front of the doorway of his wurley, an Aboriginal man erects a katu wing, made of brush-wood, so that at every change of the wind he does not have to alter the doorway of his hut on account of the smoke. Here, too, on a still summer's night he sets up his place of rest. At other times this type of forecourt to his hut is reserved as sleeping quarters for the youths or young girls, the latter of whom are placed under the supervision of their elders. They may not sleep inside the hut alongside of married couples, nor loiter about here and there at will.
Especially does the katu here serve at the same time as a screen (curtain), to block out the view of the women. While the circumcision festivities are in progress, the katu is erected two days prior to the circumcision act, and the candidates for the circumcision have to remain [seated] behind it. for the duration of those two days [a lot of] singing goes on behind the katu, whilst the women outside listen to it. [However], on the day of the circumcision the women have to withdraw to a [safe] distance.
On the occasion of the sacred ceremonies Reuther: "Goetterverehrunaen". (petitioning of the 'deities' for blessing and success) a katu is erected, within which the sacred chants (prayers) are sung and the decorations (painting of the body) are carried out, so that in due course [the actors] may make their attractive appearance before the assembled throng. The women and uninitiated men are stationed outside of the katu.
Seed is first left to lie on a heap in order to dry out and so that the husks may burst open in the heat. Then a screen of bushes is set up around it, so that the wind does not scatter it.
This task is carried out by those who are in some way closely related to the person about to be murdered. In general they consent to the murder of the person concerned, only they do not lend a [helping] hand, so as to keep themselves free of every suspicion. And so a 'native' man will never in actual deed help to kill anyone who belongs to the same mardu totem] as himself. Anyone who belongs to the same mardu as myself is palku ngakani my body, tantamount to my own self, i.e. my own body. In this instance the person concerned engages in katu terkana, so that he commits no offence to his [own] disadvantage, in other words, he has no need to fear revenge. In the same way I will not lay a hand on a man who belongs to the same mardu as my wife. By so doing I would heap great dishonour upon her. She would appeal to her relatives, and [so] it could easily happen that they would take my wife away from me, because I had shown little regard for her totem Reuther: "Geschlecht". If, however, death has been planned against a man, who belongs to the same mardu as my wife and at whose death I am expected to lend a [helping] hand, I [merely] occupy an advance post. On the other hand, if I save such a man's life by way of intercession, I am very highly respected by people of the same mardu. In the same way a man of the same mura as another, helps not to kill him, for, in common with him, he serves kapara kulno one headman.
A katu is set up at the grave of a dead man, so that the spirit of the deceased can sit behind it when it comes out of the grave and [so] be sheltered from the wind.
The instructors of the law teach that no one is allowed to shave off his beard, except on the occasion of a religious festival. Whilst it was even law in this case that one could not "approach the deities" with an unshorn beard, in other instances the beard offered protection against boomerangs. Whoever shore his beard was struck by a boomerang in every fight. [On the other hand], those who fetched bukatu had to leave their beards behind in the hills, and also had to singe off the hair all over their bodies.
This [reed] grows around the lakes. The longest of these are plucked up and twice drawn across a shell in the hand, at which they become very pliable, being able to be twisted like string. This [in fact] is performed on the upper part of the thigh. String-bags and nets are then plaited from this [thread]. In order to give the string-bags a better appearance by way of gaily-coloured stripes, the twisted threads are rubbed with red, yellow, or brown ochre which has been mixed with fat.
That is also the reason for the saying: kalku kana jerto ngankai Reuther wrote "nganai", but obviously it should read ngankai reeds satisfy the people, because folks manufacture nets out of these and catch fish with them Anybody, man or woman, whose muramura acknowledges the value of the reed, stands in a pintara relationship, that is as much as to say, in a blood relationship, to the reed. He [or she] says: kalku pintara ngakani the reed stands in a most cordial and intimate relationship to me These people are then called kalkumarduka reed-worshippers Reuther: "Binsenverehrer". or, more literally: 'reed totemists'. Reuther: "Binsenaeschlechter". They are those people who belong to the markara type of fish mardu totem Reuther: "das Geschlecht" ngandrieli kalku pintara ngantjanani, ngattanajeli ngandri marduka ngantjananto mother reed-friendship when loving, children mother reed totem should love if the mother belongs to the reed totem (the markara), then the children also receive (inherit) this totem Whilst, of course, children inherit their mura Reuther: "die Goetter". from their fathers, they inherit their mardu Reuther: "das Geschlecht". from their mothers. Because of this, reeds are under the special protection of these kalkupintaramarduka relatives of the reed totem. Such a native will never use dry reeds to make a fire. Should the water turn brackish, so that the fish die, these people will walk around the lake (water) to bury dead fish. They cannot bear to look upon them lying around unburied.
This is a species of lizard that the Aborigines eat with [great] favour. It is covered with spines, and, in contrast to the kapiri which has a more even-coloured skin, looks very shabby. Both species eat grass and insects.
The track of this particular lizard is recognizable from the fact that it has smaller toes than the kapiri goanna.
The kadni totem belongs to the Kararu moiety. Reuther: "Klasse" The Tirari people also venerate a kadni muramura.
name given to the place where the kadni mate.
As soon as a man has died, preparations for the burial are taken in hand.
This [line of conduct] was not appreciated, because one did not know whether the other had left in [a spirit of] anger or not.
If, for example, a man has died in some distant camp, a [messenger] is sent with a string jutju Spelt "yootchoo" by Gason, and described by him as "a string put round the neck of a person leaving to barter with neighbouring tribes". tied around his neck as an indication that the man's demise is a matter of intimate concern. At the same time the attempt is made thereby to clear oneself of any suspicion that the death of the deceased may have been caused by someone at this end.
The karladiri squats inside the earth for years, emerging [only] after a good rain, in order to croak and then just as quickly to return to its eternal sleep. The Aborigines eat it. During a dry spell a man can save his life from thirst through one of these [frogs], for they always have a belly full of water. They have also been placed in rank among the Kararu mardu. Anyone who belongs to this mardu may not eat this creature. If anyone were to try it, it would be said of him that he 'eats himself' (tajiterina) and he would be described as 'a dog' (kindala).
[Originally, [this word] bore reference only to one's blood relationship and tribal territory, but in course of time it acquired an extension of meanings, especially in the Christian sense.].
namely, that [piece of]country which one's tribal ancestors and progenitors already had in their possession. ngaiani mita kamanelini ngamai ja wata mita tulani we land in friendly sit and not land in strange we dwell in our native territory, and not in a country of strangers It is noteworthy that even the desert-dweller clings impulsively to the sod where he was born. Reuther: "Geburtsscholle". For example, the Kujani people to this very day bewail the dead whenever they attend to their burial, because they are compelled to rest in foreign soil. A long time ago, in the wake of a great drought, they withdrew to the ranges (Mt. Flinders). However, during that time their territory along the Cooper's Creek was [invaded and] occupied by the Diari people. Even the old folks [of today] feel impelled, every once in a while, to revisit their tribal country and their place of birth.
A 'native' man loves his blood relatives and tribal fellows with rather tender sensitivity.
or, in a wider sense, one of those ceremonies performed by one's own tribal fellows. ngaiani windri mura kamaneli wonkai ja wata mura tula we only ceremonies friendly sing and not ceremonies strange we per- form only our own ceremonies and not those that are strange to us Reuther's sentence reads: "Wir nur Freundesgoetter sing en und nicht Goetter fremde, das heisst wir verehren blos unsere eigenen Goetter und nicht fremde".
The same rule applied, conversely, to the women. This law was rigidly enforced.
one's own elder brother, [born] of the same father and mother.
the camp where father and mother live and wherein I was born.
A native man does not like to travel in [the heat of] the sun, because it burns his feet.
By this term is meant any place where a fire has been kindled at some time or another in order to bake or cook something, or where coals are lying about and the ground is blackened. According to whatever is cooked there from time to time, any fireplace is given a corresponding name.
Everything is carried on top of the head, except that women carry their children and [other] impedimenta on their hips.
It is customary for a widow to evidence her gratitude from time to time to those men who have buried her husband, by giving them something to eat.
It is a grave insult to express the view that other people's children are not nice. It is usual to flatter parents for having lovely children.
This is a big insult and disgrace to her elder brother.
Since an elder brother exercises legal guardianship over all his brothers and sisters, it stands to reason that they all do as he wishes, and thus show their devotion to him.
This was done with a stone knife. Otherwise the hair was plucked out [like feathers]; in consequence of this, of course, the [men] walked around for several days with swollen faces.
When fish are being caught, bundles of grass are laid in the water. These are [then] pushed along by several men, in order to drive the fish forward [into the nets]. ngaiani kanta piriri ngankai paru jukala we grass bundles 'Bundles, tufts or bunches of grass' does not really cover the native term J.G. Reuther. make fish to come up we drive the fish forward, in order to lift them out of the water with a [hand-]net? cf. dundru.
a [man] who stays well away from the camp. This is the name by which particularly the unmarried and uncircumcised young men are known, who are no longer allowed to stay in camp during the daytime on account of the women and young girls. Cf. karuwalila. The animals, too, that feed only on herbage (grass), are called kantala grass eaters, i.e. herbivorous animals.
The seed of this edible plant is very keenly sought after for food. The muramura is Wariliwulani.
wurleys were covered with this [plant] and thus afforded shade.
This is not regarded favourably, as far as widows are concerned. They are expected to attach themselves to a sister or some other relative, and not go from one camp to another. [Only] in very rare instances does a widow make herself culpable in this respect.
The word kalakalarina is associated with the heart: ngarali kalakalarina to hate with the heart etc.
This necklet is made of a species of grass (karingala). In Volume IX, No. 282 Reuther describes the karingarla as a herb with a pleasant aroma, which was used as a medicine for the sick and tied around the head or neck, according to where the pain was located. The blade of this grass, similar to a cornstalk, is cut up into pieces one-half to one inch in length. The individual pieces are [then] curled snakewise and threaded into a string. Ten to twenty of these strands together form a decoration, which is [greatly] admired and is draped around the neck in a double chain. Frequently the kaldrati is made use of as a mark of guarantee or as a token of assurance. For example, when a large number of people are gathered for a particular purpose, or are called together to do a certain thing, a kaldrati is sent along as a certifying mark of the occasion. It is displayed, merely to provide the onlooker with [a sense of] certainty. For example, a man may have reason, upon the death of his father, to suspect this or that person as having been the murderer, more accurately, the sorcerer. He now wants to kill him. As a token of assurance to his accomplices [in the act], he sends out his kaldrati as a sign to confirm [his intention]. This kaldrati, as an instrument of murder, is then placed in the grave upon the body of the victim. For a half-grown youth the kaldrati, when hung around his neck, is a sign that, as a kantala novice, he must withdraw [from the camp] on moral grounds.
When young folk of the male sex want to come into camp at night, they are obliged [while still] some distance away to kaldra ngankana, [i.e. to make some inarticulate sound, in order to attract the attention of the elders].
Tree-roots were used as rings around the edge of a certain type of net (dundru).
Dried out patara box tree roots that are fired in the morning still glimmer and glow at night. Such firesticks are usually taken along on walkabouts. turu-kapara maniau, ngaldra dankubana wapala nganai fired root take along, we both tomorrow go will prepare a root for a firestick, for tomorrow we both want to go [walkabout]
used to chase rats etc. out of their holes. On a fairly long root of the malka bush some resin is attached to the narrow tip. This is then used to poke and rummage Here Reuther uses the non-Dictionary term, "hineinstoeckern", meaning stochern. around inside of the burrows. The rats etc. that may chance to be within, believing this to be a snake, scatter and scram out of every side-burrow, but in so doing fall a prey to the 'natives'. malka-kapara bakujamai, nanapara ngaldra kuruwitji In No.499-4 Reuther refers to the kuruwitja. He now changes the terminal vowel into an 'i'. ngankala nganai malka root dig up, this we both kuruwitji make will dig out a malka root; we will both make kuruwitji out of it
with which grubs are hooked out of [small] holes in trees. With this kapara jakara Reuther: "kleine Saugwurzeln" one prods and probes around inside the holes of the kudnijinka, hooking it into the grub and pulling it out.
The following will show on what grounds kapara root became associated with kapara chieftain. The word kapara is a compound of kapa and ra. signifies loins and ra as much as strength, power, greatness. Thus, in the first place, the word kapara means powerful in the loins, and is applied with reference to the power, strength and size of a man. The picture is one that is borrowed from the tree roots. The trunk of a tree, from which the roots spread out, is also known as kapara. The kapara is the tap-root, Reuther: "Herzwurzel. which gives the tree its strength and stability. All other more or less strong roots are the kapakapara, which radiate around the main or tap-root, protecting and assisting it. The small capillary [or feeder] Reuther: "kleine Saugwurzeln". roots are the mili, which absorb the [nutritious] moisture and convey it to the main stem that rests on the tap-root. Exactly the same situation applies here in the case of the kapara. His strength emanates from his kapa i.e. the loins, for a kapara possessed fighting agility and skill, and had to be big and powerful. Around him, within the sphere of his authority, the kapakapara stood out above the mili, that is, the common people, (cf. kapakapara) nevertheless, in such a way that the mili (like the capillary roots) lent stability to the kapara and brought him food. The question still remains to be answered: why is the kapara masculine and the 'root' feminine? This comes from the fact that pita tree is feminine, (hence also its roots), but the kapara chieftain Reuther: "der Koenig". is a man. Nor is it to be forgotten that women can also be kapakapara, but not kapara. In this instance we have to deal with a female kapakapara. The latter are usually the wives of kapakapara; [they may exercise authority] over women, but not over men.
The last of these was Tjampana or Wontjampatjampana by name, meaning 'continually to kill'. He died in the year 1885 and lies buried at Kaparamara. The otherwise hereditary office of chieftainship vanished with him. (See book page 449).
At Dakarawitjani, in the vicinity of present-day Miramiti, is a hole from which the first emus [are said to have] emerged. The above-mentioned kapakapara is familiar with the ceremony, legend and songs which the muramura in days of old performed [in connection therewith] He now reenacts these anew.
These men supervise bartering transactions, so that there is no shoddy dealing on either side.
The ringleader of an expedition that goes out to bring back chewing-tobacco.
rain corroboree boss, [or] ringleader of [a ceremony] requesting rain.
The wind corroboree boss, when the point of concern was to produce wind. One such man was Wulpulina
The corroboree boss of the sun, when it was a matter of either cooling off the sun or letting it burn fiercely.
[Such a man] was Tjupulina
[Such a man] was Mirkana
[Such a one] was Maljalina
This was Karkutajinina
[Such a one] was Yaluruna
This was Mintjilina
The above-mentioned kapakapara were under the leadership of the kapara. They knew the legends and songs (prayers) of the individual muramura, and therefore comprised the producers, song-leaders, and directors of those who were gathered [for the ceremony]. Particular attention was paid to their being physically strong and able to speak well. For consideration to this position anyone could work his way up. But especially would a kapakapara diligently train his own son, so that he too might [one day] become a kapakapara.
One group of Diari people says karara, while the other group says kalinguru. The latter word approximates the Wonkanguru language, while the former is a pure Diari word. The term also implies the concept of 'very hot', although it is not verbally expressed. This simply stems from the fact that hot winds blow only from the north; and the native people live in dread of them.
This is a caterpillar which is quite green at first, but later changes in colour to almost white. Its origin is attributed to a butterfly. When rain has fallen at a certain season, a type of plant comes up which this caterpillar eats. In no time a butterfly appears and lays its eggs on the leaves of this plant. The latter is so voracious, that in a [very] short space of time it has eaten off all the leaves, so that the ground is bare. At this stage the caterpillar is gathered by the Aborigines, roasted on the coals, pounded [to meal], and eaten. Any caterpillar that remains alive now bores a hole into the ground and disguises itself, in order to appear after the next rain as a butterfly.
When a young lad is grown up, he is taken away from his family, and, together with other youths of his age, is sent away from the camp. Meanwhile, until the time of his circumcision, he is called a kantala, that is, 'a bush dweller' Reuther: "Graser". Cf. footnote under No. 26 of this Dictionary. It should not be overlooked that, although Reuther translates kanta with 'grass,' this is a qeneric term to include all types of herbage, bush and shrubbery. Cf. kanta nguja, No. 366 to No. 490.
Up to the time of his circumcision the youth is not allowed to decorate himself with paint. In addition to that, he must remain in seclusion as 'a camper out bush' or as a maraljerra.
This takes place one or two days before the [operation], whereupon he is rubbed in with fat and ochre for the first time.
This takes place when he leaves the camp, so that he can make his own fire.
As a bush-dweller, he may not use a boomerang, otherwise the circumcision [operation] may miscarry.
[to join] the ranks (union) of the circumcised; [to undergo] the act of initiation ("circumcision"). When the circumcision wound has healed, a man is "circumcised" More correctly, 'subincised' a second time. The penis is cut on the underside with a stone knife, as far as the urethra; this is said to be an extremely painful [act of surgery]. Any person who underwent this operation was known as a kulpi, while the person who went through only the first [stage] was a tjutju. The uninitiate is called a karuwarli by all the tribes.
made of a coarse hemp.
The latter were for [use by] the sorcerers, whose footprints were not allowed to be discovered; therefore they wore a type of shoe which left no footprints behind. kati also denotes the hair-covering of land animals and the plumage of birds people and fish are naked. All land animals Aboriginals classify as 'animals' all creatures that are confined to the ground, whether they have fur, feathers, or skin. Thus, even emus are classed as 'animals' because they cannot fly. such as snakes, lizards, etc. wear their own peculiar kati. Under no circumstances, however, is this to be confused with the skin, hence to be viewed not from without but from within, that is to say, from the point of view of the individual [creature's] warmth. Thus, an animal may have a beautiful or not-so-beautiful kati; notwithstanding, for that animal it is the essential warmth-giving cover for the preservation of life.
With regard to signs and omens in reference to crows, as well as to the disguise of witch-doctors through them, see the next book. The kawolka is a mardu totem within the Kararu moiety (kararu means good-natured, easy-going. nauja kana kawolka mardu ngandri wittani he man crow totem mother in line with this man belongs to the crow totem Reuther: "Geschlecht". in line with his mother One simply says of such a person: nauja kawolka he crow he is a crow [man] Such a man would never help to kill another man of the same mardu; that would be tantamount to suicide. On the contrary, if there is a plot [afoot] against a man of the same mardu, he tries to save him where and in whatever way possible. However, if he bears a personal grudge against the man, so that he more readily than not sees him die, he simply stays in the background and takes no personal part in the killing.
The eagle (karawora) is mentioned as being the father of crows. If a group of crows is seen together, one speaks of this as dalkajura, meaning: are you on the way? One simply cannot be sure whether this is not a flock of disguised sorcerers in which the devil goes about, who is out to snatch human hearts to eat.
Spears were traded in by the Ngamani tribe [and exchanged] with the Jelujanti people higher up on the Cooper. The Diari people mostly offered ochre and stone knives in exchange [for them].
Spearheads are also used for purposes of sorcery, in place of bones. The blood on a spear is washed off into a wooden bowl, and offered as a drink to young men who have not as yet speared another [man]. [Thereby] they are to become fearless. During a thunderstorm spears are buried in the ground, because they are smooth and are believed to attract lightning. If rain-clouds come up, the point of a spear may not face in their direction, because it is [also] believed they talara tapana, absorb rain, or prevent it from raining. On visiting a camp, a man lays down his spear in such a way that the point is turned away from the camp. This signifies that the man has no evil intentions. If he were to let a spear face the camp, it would be an indication that he was malevolent.
During a fight the spear is hurled with a kalti in such a way that it does not fatally wound, but merely disables [for further fighting]. The upper thigh is the prime target for this. The Aborigines are so adept at spear-throwing, that they do not strike the head or the chest (that is, the upper part of the body) but [only] the upper portion of the thigh. If an aim miscarries, so that a man falls dead to the ground, [the deed] must be avenged by a similar death. Of this a man was afraid. During a duel, if the opponent is struck in the upper part of the thigh, so that he falls to the ground, he is considered beaten. After the victorious party believes to have maintained his rights, he is now prepared, in the interests of goodwill, to accept a stab in the upper part: of the thigh from his vanquished partner. He says: kalala dakamai ngana, jidni ngadani ngundraiati in revenge stab me, you afterwards otherwise think of it as I stabbed you, so you stab me now in retaliation So that you don't need to try to do it again later on. In most instances the vanquished party complies. Then both are reconciled again.
The katimarkara features in many of the legends, and for the most part is accorded divine honours. At Kudnangaua, Jultjurani, Ngurluparani, Wonawaruwonpani, Jerpawarili, and Mardapirila there are some that are regarded with sacred reverence. Generally speaking, the kadimarkara bear some relationship to the sorcerers, or, vice versa, these with them. Sorcerers [claim to] see them only in waterholes, and have power over them. If anyone wants to wade through the water, the sorcerer goes in first, treading on the jaws of the katimarkara, so that it cannot swallow anyone; only then may the people follow him, and pass through the water. In Salt Creek the katimarkara once swallowed a number of people, and so the kunki sorcerers in turn swallowed them. Their bones are still pointed out today.
[The point is] that strange-speaking tribes are also invited to [participate in] a sacred ceremony. Reuther: "Goetterverehrung" In the following sentence they are invited, to be sure, but have not yet arrived. mita tarlila karlalu, tana wata wokarana warai nunkanguja pirrani earth tongue empty, they not arrived towards this in month (moon) the surrounding area is still free of strange speakers; by this moon they have not yet arrived [The intended meaning is:] 'although we have invited them and fixed the time'.
a woman borders on the years of mature age. Just as [members of] the fair sex are judged and named from time to time by [the condition of] their breasts according to their age, so also the kaluka.
The feelings, which we normally ascribe to the heart, are here traced back to the liver. Love, in this connection, implies the impelling duty to sustain and fortify somebody's life, and help him on the road [to recovery]. This is compassion of a pagan [sort], which becomes a duty, inasmuch as a man must save his neighbour from mortal danger, so that perhaps he [himself one day] may be saved in return. True compassion, in the Christian sense, is CHECK. A man loves, in order to be loved; he gives, in order to be able to receive ("take"); he is compassionate in order to experience the compassion of others.
This insect creature probably belongs to the ant family, for, like the ant, it builds for itself a small earth-mound, in whose cone it heaps up [small bits of] straw (chaff) These [little] creatures live in large colonies. When the kakatji are very busy at work, the 'natives' regard this as a sign that it will soon rain. The eggs are eaten [as a delicacy].
The kakabilli is a hair-net made of an indigenous flax. It was worn for two reasons: (1) Since a man was keen to let his hair grow long, so as to be able to twist it into string later on, he stuffed it into this bag, so that it should not fall down over his face; (2) When 'uncle' had no more hair, an occasion that often gave rise to harmless jokes, he wore a hairnet stuffed with maltara short emu feathers, in order to cover his bald pate. One did not dare to ridicule a bald-head in an unkindly way, for this, as an act of contempt for the aged, was punished by death. When this net is stuffed with bird-down and short emu feathers, it is called a kapuluru [sic].
This head-covering is worn when a man is involved in arguments and fighting. If the net [or cap] is woven into a peaked [shape], so that it hangs down over the head with a tassel at the end, it is called [a kalbuluru].
It signifies as much as [something that] hangs down. This type [of cap] is worn by the men as a decoration. The women also wear similar ones and call them wanubilli. See billi No. 18.
milki, in this connection, are members of both sexes who run after each other. ngaiani milki kariji pudlana patalalu we eyes are pursuing both until caught we are going after the two lovers until we overtake them
This [net] is not attached to posts and left in the water, but is dragged by men through the water, so that fish can be caught up in it. The net is also called a billi-nindri. Among the Jauraworka [tribe] this is the 'mother' of nets. At the same time it is described as kana jerto satisfier of men, because lots of fish are caught by [or in] it.
This net is woven in such a way that in appearance it resembles a liver hanging inside the stomach. It is placed in the small channels of an oncoming flood. When the water runs through it, the fish have to stay behind. Naturally, these [fish] are then eaten.
All these various types of resin are used for different purposes, [for example]: (a) with it axe-heads and stone-knives are fastened to their handles; (b) with it a sort of knob is stuck on to the thick end of a magic pointing-bone; (c) with it both ends of a hollow bone, in which chewing-tobacco is stored, are sealed shut; (d) even 'rain-bones,' in which rain-water is stored for the prevention of rain, have both ends stuffed shut with it; (e) a spear that has cracked [along the grain] is smeared with kandri and then bound with sinew, so that it will hold [together] again; (f) a lump of resin is fastened to the kutuwanta, (a type of long stone-knife to which no wooden handle is attached), so that it can be guided in the hand.
The roots of this plant, which grows on the sandhills, are dug up and heated in the fire. The outer skin [from which a black pitchy substance oozes] is then scraped off. This substance, mixed with some ashes, constitutes the resin with which [for example] stone-axe heads are hafted (or fastened) to their handles.
this is extracted from a bush that grows on the sandhills. It is used for the same purpose as in [1].
During the summer drinking-waterholes are covered up, so that the water remains cool; in winter, however, when the water is drawn, glowing coals are thrown into it, so that it is not too cold to drink.
Here, in the case of this word, in contrast to ngankana to make, the manner and means of the totemic increase-ceremonies Reuther: "die Art und Weise betreffs der Goetterverehrung". clearly meets the eye. In the case of [7], [8] and [11] [in this section], as well as in numerous other instances, the 'native' does not ngankana birds, rats and rain (as we see in [the above application of] this word), but karkana them. What, now, is the difference between talara karkana to conjure up rain and talara ngankana to make rain? The difference consists in this, that, when a 'native' man talara karkana conjures up the rain, he calls on the rain-ancestor Reuther: "Regengott". through the songs [he has] acquired and learnt from the muramura, without at the same time imitating [the acts of] the ancestral Reuther: "geschichtlichen" 'historical' muramura by painting and decorating himself. But, when a 'native' man talara ngankana makes rain, he does so in co-operation with many other people, in which case the legend of the muramura is imitated in symbol and [outward] form. The analogy is fairly well met, when I say that it is the same relationship as exists between [private] prayer in one's inner chamber and the prayers [that are offered] in public worship in the church.
It is a great honour for parents to have [their children] living in the same camp as they, for especially a father is proud to have a great number of [children] and a large relationship.
Here the difference between a sacred ceremony and a mere corroboree becomes evident. The sacred ceremony has been handed down by the fathers, whereas a mere corroboree offers [social] amusement. The former is of a religious character, while the latter is not.
When butterflies approach the fire at night, singeing their wings and falling [into the flames], this is an indication that it will be windy next day.
It is not looked upon with favour, if a widow marries someone in a camp other than the one in which her deceased husband has lived.
This is the name given to the string of human hair which a father hands over to his son on the day of circumcision. However long this string may be, it is wound around the loins in the form of a belt and is worn by the son with [great] pride.
ego's wife's brother or ego's sister's husband.
mother speaking. When the father is speaking, the word is taru.
brother speaking.
When two friends are on walkabout during the winter, they often sleep arm in arm in order to keep each other warm.
When, upon digging out a waterhole, the water is turbid and muddy, some clean sand and lime are cast in at night; in the morning the water is clear. If the water in a stagnant pool is turbid, some of the water is dammed off and distilled after the same manner.
when fish change their position according to the depth of the channel, the net is lowered at the deepest spots. ninkida ngaiana jama worai, paru ninkindrupara karitjinanto jamani wirila here we net cast, fish from those here should change position into the net to enter we are casting the net in here, so that fish from around here may enter the net
When thunder rolls in the distance, this is believed to be the rumbling of the earth as it tumbles into the abyss. At that very moment a landslide is [said to be] taking place at the far end of the earth. [It is thought] that even where caves and gorges are to be found, such collapses of earth took place in days of yore. The shaking of the ground during thunder is [regarded as] proof of this. mita nauwa kadiwiriji. ngaiana ngaiala ngarai earth he there slips off, we voice are hearing yonder in the distance a landslide is taking place, for we [can] hear its rumbling
It is assumed that the soul of a person who has been struck dead [by a thunderclap], in contrast to the soul of a person who has died, wanders about inside the earth towards the south, and emerges there. If, soon after a murder has been committed, it thunders in the distance, this is [regarded as] a sign that the soul of the murder-victim is now coming up out of the ground. nauka mita-tali kadiwiriji nari kulnuni, nina pingali matja nandrana [warai or paraia he landslide is speaking (rumbling) dead man because of one, him blood-avenging troupe already has killed the earth is rumbling because of a dead man, whom a troupe of blood-avengers has killed
When hunting for snakes, nobody will take along a person who is not familiar with [or at home in] the local sandhills, for it is believed that no snakes will be caught [if he does], for the reason that snakes creep into their holes at [the sound of] a stranger. wata kana ko wiralkamai dakuni, nau woma kadiwiribaiati not person ignorant lead about on sandhills, he snakes otherwise scares away do not lead a person around [with you] who is not at home in your sandhills, otherwise he will [only] scare the snakes away
one who causes something to disappear, Reuther: "Verschwindenmacher". so that, for example, no rain comes up, or no fish are caught.
It is claimed that if the blood of this lizard drips on a human body, 'warts' will grow there.
in the camp at night, when it is growing dark.
in the camp at night, because they, too, like the mourning widows, have to keep their distance during the day.
Things that are beautiful in others [a man] always compares with himself. Constantly he says: ngani jeri I similar like myself, or as beautiful as myself
The wiljaru, that is those who have transgressed the moral code, receive these scars on their backs.
String-bags are usually hung on trees, so that the dogs cannot get to them.
This is done, in order not to have to dig up the full length of the burrow.
These are wood-grubs as thick as a finger, which bore their way into the trees; when extracted by means of a hook, they are eaten.
A long thin root, known as a witjiwitji, on whose end a clump of resin has been attached, is shoved into a rat hole to probe around. The rats, thinking this to be a snake, come jumping out, whereupon they are bashed to death.
This word signifies as much as ngara wordu to breathe quickly, e.g. a sick man who takes short and quick breaths. The [dog] was given this name because it takes short and quick breaths when it runs, and soon lies dawn in the shade [to rest]. In other words, it [can] not last long without water.
. This [dog] was the female [companion] of Pirilana. The sandhill to the east, immediately adjoining the one at the Mission station, bears the name after her.
The names of the dogs mentioned above originated from the muramura. The majority of these had dogs [living] with them or led dogs about [on their wanderings]. For this reason the dog is a sacred animal to the Aborigines; his usefulness, of course, also speaks in his favour. In order to show respect for his own muramura, a man readily called his own dog by the name of the muramura s dog. Moreover, the dog is held in such high esteem, that it was also included in the list of mardu. While they were still small, pups were taken from the burrows of wild dogs and domesticated. A lot of attention was devoted to them. Their snouts were scorched, so that they learnt to love the fire and became accustomed to people at the same time. If a dog went astray, an [artificial] dog's head was made up and the [relevant] totemic song was chanted. This was expected to entice the dog back [home]. In an Aboriginal camp there were usually one to four dogs, to whom the utmost attention was given. However, since the 'native' people have come by our European dogs, everybody now owns a considerable number. When [ever] a tamed dingo died, there was great distress; one mourned for it, just as though it was a human being. It has happened that people have suffered the loss of their own lives for the sake of a dog. The latter was especially the case, when one man's dog bit another's dog to death. If the owner of a dog died, one took comfort in the latter; if the dog also died, one again remembered his master and prepared for revenge. Once, in the vicinity of Blanchewater, a dog by the name of Pilpanta died. The people sat down together, and the whole camp was in mourning. They painted themselves in the same colours as those of the dead dog, crawled around on all fours, and chanted the sacred song of the muramura whose name the dog had borne. When this was over, they made atonement by hitting one another over the head, until they were covered in blood.
These jaua stones are broadcast, after the example of the muramura, in places where jaua has come up after a rain. While this is going on, the ceremonial songs of the respective muramura are sung to the Mura, in order to invoke his blessing, so to speak so that the jaua may prosper and a particular grub may not spoil it by the time it has advanced to a fairly ripe stage.
The white down-feathers of pelicans are pasted an to the [human] body with blood. These are regarded as very beautiful, if they stand out well against a black body. Hence a lot of attention is devoted to sticking the feathers on, so that they do stand out well. tiriputu nauja kintjalkuru, nulupara ngaiana wima wirila nganai down-feathers he clean (beautiful), this [man] us ceremony pass by will this man is wearing very beautiful down-feathers; he will outshine every one of us (look smarter than we) at the ceremony
In order to have a resplendent black body, a man rubs himself with fat. kana naujata maru kintjalkuruwai ngani jeri man he black shining I like he is a resplendent black man like myself ngani jeri like myself is a characteristic [expression] of the 'native', for he always believes himself to be beautiful.
If it was cold [when] the 'natives' were travelling at night, they waved firesticks in front of their stomachs to keep themselves warm. At this some 'white' people often became suspicious, [thinking] that this waving of firesticks was the signal for an attack. On the north side of Lake Kunki [the Coongie Lakes?] it once transpired that a band of 'natives' approached [a 'white' camp] with flaming torches. Several stockmen who were camped in the neighbourhood, believing they were under attack, shot down several of the 'natives'.
This head-decoration is worn by the leader (mudlakutja) of a troupe of blood-avengers. kiririamai naribilli widmaterina, ngaperi jinkani naribilli widmaterina wonti nari morlalu nandrala learn death-cap to put on (to put yourself inside), father your death-cap wore dead until certainly more to kill you learn now to wear the death-cap, for your father always wore it during a vendetta
The latter is so named because of the distinction given him by the feathers that are stuck into his head-decoration; ears of all the animals.
Oftimes the owner engraves the symbols of his mardu or totem Reuther: "Geschlecht". [on a boomerang], as, for example: Diagram 3 goes here (a) woma large edible snake (b) markara type of fish; (c) majaru [type of] rat, (d) kirrapirra longish type of fish, (e) karawora eagle, (f) tidnamara type of frog, (g) kurauara pelting rain, (h) padi type of caterpillar (i)malura type of waterfowl
or kuriwirikirra. Painted black, white and red, and serving as a sign to summon men together when a group is about to go hunting.
This is sent from camp to camp, so that men congregate on an appointed day for a [combined] emu hunt.
on the night before he is driven out of camp until the time that he is made a man.
Boomerangs were traded in by members of the Marula tribe for the exchange of red ochre, hair-string, black ochre, and stone knives. An old boomerang that is found may be picked up and used only by the old [men].
It is [commonly] accepted that such people have a lot to say and that they make biting remarks.
It is assumed, of course, that when urine smells, it has an effect on the brain. Kipara is urine of the male sex. Of the female sex it is said: puratandra patana gall [or bladder] is painful.
This is a hollow piece of wood, by means of which people are summoned together for a corroboree. It is held inside a hole in the ground, while [the player] blows into the cavity of the hollowed-out piece of wood with all his might, so that it emits a far-sounding!!! [sic] (muffled) tone at night. wimakoko marrata In his Diari Grammar (Vol.V, p.28) Reuther writes this postposition with one 'r', viz. -mara with. ngaiana mudana jiritjiji corroboree-trumpet with we to conclude are getting up at the sound of the corroboree-trumpet we stand up for the last time i.e. the final act is taking place
In this case the medicine-man can no longer be of assistance. Those who die in this way are called kutjila devil's own
According to the way that a man has lived in conformity to pagan [or tribal] law, his spirit is [judged to be] either good or bad.
Here a subtle deceit is disclosed. Indeed, these lying prophets often walk into camp at night with bloodied hands, in order to demonstrate how they have fought with the devil, naturally [of course] to enhance their prestige. They simply do not want to admit that the devil is fetching a soul out of their midst. That is to say, when the devil comes to a camp at night to fish around for a soul, the kunki opposes him. Reuther: "Menschengeist". 'This term could also be translated by 'nature, disposition'. That is a peculiar line of reasoning: first the kunki are inspired by the devil, then they are found to be in conflict with him.
When the devil has taken away the heart (not the soul), a man goes out of his mind. 'The heart can be snatched back again from the devil by the medicine-man'. By snatching the heart back from the devil's hands, medicine-men acquire great prestige. The sick or deranged man then gets better [and regains his health].
The media of the kutji (as in No.13 above) are: extreme heat, sandstorms, thunderstorms, night, mirages, etc., in fact, all extraordinary natural phenomena.
When someone becomes mentally deranged (which does not happen often), the devil is regarded as the cause. It is said: "he has disturbed the man's mind".
This refers to the turning or rolling of the eyes by one who is mentally deranged.
The Aboriginal doctor is the devil's accomplice. He says to the witchdoctor: jundru ngantjai ngaldra wapala jelalu nunkanika nunkanika mitaia? ngana jundru kalkananto, ngato kana kulno nandranani you like us two to go together to this [or] that country? me you are to wait for, I person one when (until) killing would you like to accompany me to this or that country? you need only to go along and wait until I have killed a man
Such a journey takes place only in the imagination; the body remains at home in camp.
Again, of course, the witchdoctor alone recognizes this whistle. Often at night he says: "he has called me", and walks out of the camp. Thereby the kunki keeps growing in prestige, and the people are held in constant fear [and suspense].
The devil's journeys. When the devil goes on his journeys with his mili servants, followers, of whom he is said to have many, a string (karalja) is used for the purpose. He himself takes the lead, the ring-leader (kapakapara) tacks on behind, while his mili (or servants) stand in the middle of the string. Thus, away they go, into [thin] air.
It is also commonly believed that the devil makes off with people, without there being any trace of his footprints. Thus, when a man is lost so that his footprints cannot be found, the devil is certain to have got him.
Here the witchdoctor has a wide field, which he also diligently cultivates, in order to keep the people in fearful suspense and to maintain his great prestige. He may, of course, designate first this, then that deceased person as a kutjila. Therefore it is not possible to reckon up all kutjila. No blood revenge is meted out in respect of a kutjila.
Rules which the kunki must observe are the following.
For this reason a kunki always approaches a wurley from the rear.
As a kunki, one's eyes are opened so that one [can] see the devil coming by day or by night.
This destroys the fine sensitive smell of the kunki and is only detrimental to his activity: pita piltjaru nganaiati lest your power [or ability] be destroyed
As in No.5.
This refers to the snitching of souls, Reuther: "Seelenraub" which only the kunki and the devil can carry out, as may be seen elsewhere.
that is to say, briefly: you will incur your own loss of status.
Said whilst handing over a sharpened stick. A ngapajunga waterbag is taken along on soul-snitching trips.
This infers that the kunki are supposed to have fiery eyes which glitter like fire, particularly at night. Their eyes are specially "opened" for [conditions that prevail] at night and during a fog, so that they [are able to] see the devil who steals around in darkness and fog. What a self-contradiction on the part of the devil, for this having had one's eyes "opened" actually prevents his very self in the matter of soul-snitching, because the kunki offer him resistance and do not let him enter the camp (place)! The secret 'schooling' inside the earth is now ended. As both step out on to the earth's surface, the devil [proceeds to] examine his pupil, to see whether he has grasped every [detail] correctly. Placing his pupil on a sandhill opposite himself, he says: Mai! jundru ngana ngarala nganai, ngato jidna wontjanani Ngato jidna wontjanani appear to be a later addition by Reuther. ngani jatanani jinkangu, jundru ngana najinani now, you are to listen to me [when I try you out]: when I speak to you [and] when you see me when you see me, then listen to me when I speak to you Speaking from a position opposite: jundru ngana morlalu najiamai! fix your undivided attention on me! Furthermore: jundru naji? [can] you see (me)? Answer: kau, ngato jidna naji yes, I [can] see you Rejoinder by the devil: jidni matja kunki you are a witchdoctor already Another test-question and lecture: pita nanipara jinkani patamai, nanawa pita kidnieli dijala take this stick; when you point it at a tree, the lightning will strike it Said while handing over a small magic-stick. The kunki does as directed, and immediately lightning strikes the tree in two. The devil [says]: matja jundru nandrai, matja jidni kunki right, you have struck (the tree), you are a witch-doctor Furthermore: ninapini kirrakirra jidni wokarani kurala nganai jertapaterinu jinkanani lay this small boomerang on your neck and you will be able to go wherever you like in, on, or above the earth. As a 'native' man is in the habit of doing while going along. Continuing: tidna kulno miririamai, ngatona najinanto! lift up one of your feet, so that I can see whether you can come and join me above the earth without stepping on it. jera tikamarau Reuther: dikamarau ngakangu! come [back] here to me Right, he is able to do so, and goes to him. He is now provided with further instruction. The devil says: nania billita jinkani, jurkumateriamai! this is your string-bag; hang it around you! It belongs to his travelling kit. Furthermore: nania wona jinkani, jidni wapamai dakuja nunkaniwa, wirra pitikokoterkani jundru najila nganai, nanipara pita-kapara jinkani nganala nganai take this wona, i.e. a 'digging-stick'. go over to the next sandhill, and you will find (see) a wirra bush that is lying overturned (uprooted by the wind); you are always to congregate on such bushes 'Native' people never touch an upturned wirra bush, because that is where the kunki come together. If crows settle on top of these, they are [taken to be] wandering kunki. Furthermore, (whilst handing over a tuft of emu feathers): maltara ninaia jundru jinpala nganai, tananaua kunki karkala always send this tuft of emu-feathers to distant kunki, whenever they are to come to you; thereby they will recognize that you are a kunki and will come when you plan to travel together in company in quest of (to steal) souls. Moreover, (whilst handing over a root for rubbing fire): nanipara pita turupita, jura turu padakala nganai, bakana nganti wajiwajini this is a fire rubbing-stick; you shall take this along too, so that you also have fire for cooking meat Continuing, (whilst handing over a small magic-stick): nanipara pita, Elsewhere Reuther calls it a pitawutju cf. No. 499-3 and Vol. X, p.25. kawolka jeribaka jidni wokarala nganai this stick gives you the power to come near [to people] like a crow Inadvertently, Reuther wrote: "like an eagle". However, kawolka is crow. disguising yourself. Further: nauja tiriputu jinkani, kana jidni warlu ngankaterila nganai these are your downy feathers, wherewith you may dress yourself like an ordinary person so that they do not recognize you. Furthermore: nauja jinkani kodamati, jidni ninkida mangatandrani kurala nganai that is your kodamati, which you are to fasten to your head in this manner kodamati is a skin that has been rolled together and when tied on to the head looks like two horns. Showing him how. Further: jinka ninaia widmamai mudlawilpani tie this string through the pierced septum of your nose The devil: kutji morlako, judla nganinganiri for sure, you are now (look more like) a devil, with your twisted nose At these words the tip of the nose is drawn upwards and the hairstring fastened to the back of the head. Furthermore: nauja jinkani maltara, jundru atitata jinkani dakala nganai, nandruja jidni kintala jeribaka malka wondraterila nganai here you have [some] lining (or stuffing, i.e. short emu-feathers); you shall weave yourself shoes, so that your footprints resemble those of a dog Nobody [will] know which way you have gone, for people [will] think that a dog walked along that way. Furthermore: jinka ninkida ja kawalka ja karawara ja kirki ja wonduwondu jinkangu karipaterila nganai here you have a string, and the crows and the eagles [and falcons] and vultures will follow you This is the string along which the kunki travel about, and the birds are their kunki fellow-travellers. The first one on the string is called Pajapirina, and, as the direction-finder, is the cleverest kunki who finds the water, knows the way, and [fore]sees the dangers, etc. Then follow the crows, and thereafter the eagles. The [very] last [in line], carrying wood and stringbag, etc., is Tirawonpala by name. Furthermore: pajamoku nauja jinkani ngapa tapani this is the hollow bone of a bird [to enable you] to have a drink of water whilst travelling along. Further: jidni paja kirki jatanani ngarala nganai, jidni katiwirila nganai wima ngurani when you hear a kirki bird of prey According to J.G. Irrgang, this is the 'falcon'. calling out, duck quickly into a gorge (where at other times sacred ceremonies are held) for, you see, the kirki bird of prey is a traitor [i.e. betrays your presence]. Again: wata jidni mita palparani wokarala nganai, windri munarani ngamana wirila nganai you shall not sit down on flat ground, but may rest only on rising slopes Secretly and hidden the kunki must go about on his travels in order not to be seen, otherwise other kunki may counter his activities, so that he does not acquire a [single] soul. When all this is finished, namely, when the kunki has received his instructions and been equipped, the devil rubs (wiribana) him up and down with perspiration from his [own] armpit, tears out a bunch of hairs from his armpit, burns them on a [hot] coal, and, [when the latter has cooled], rubs these to fragments in his hand, and again rubs the kunki all over his body. He [now] becomes kutji nguja type of devil. Reuther: "Teufelsart". Finally, the devil breathes on him, implying he has received the devil's spirit (ngurungutana to ordain; to appoint to an office).
Here the skilled witchdoctor confers all his power and authority on someone else by making a witchdoctor out of him.
This refers to the soul-snitching excursions of the witchdoctors
Since the kunki associates with the devil, the latter also inspires him with magical incantations, Since these Gebetsgesaenge are of quite a different character and for quite a different purpose than the mura songs, I have translated the term like this. for which he even provides the exact tonal patterns. Reuther's use of the word "Ton" would imply not only the general form of the 'tune,' but also the unique style of the rhythm.
The functions of the soul are ascribed to the heart (ngara).
When the sun is in the west, and a person is standing on the western bank of a stationary pool of water, the primary shadow is the body's shadow palkuia pungala. Beyond this, on the water's mirrored surface Reuther: "im Reflex des Wassers". the sun casts a soft reflection which is represented to be the soul's silhouette or shadow. In short, it is a mungara.
Shortly prior to death the soul, since it cannot endure physical pain, leaves the body and wanders southward. For this reason all 'native' people are buried with the head facing south. Without the soul, the body may still live on for some time, but [eventually] it must die. Soon after the body is dead, it is buried. The soul turns around to watch its body being buried, and when it sees the latter being carried to the grave on the head [of two people], it says to itself: ngakani palkuni kawalka mapateriji the crows are gathering around my body The soul now turns towards Palkarakarani, where it ascends upward.
When someone digs up a hole in quest of some animal, the latter moves or snorts or coughs; if one listens [carefully] one can hear this and be convinced that one is not digging in vain. nganti nauja kunngara karakarala, bakujamai morla, nina patala animal he noise makes, dig some more, him to grab the animal (down in the burrow) is making a noise; keep on digging, so that we can grab it
A wona maru old weapon is placed at the water's edge, which is supposed to suck the water up.
e.g., if a father dies, the son burns his father's string-bag and everything that is in it. It always fills him with sadness, when he sees things that belonged to his father.
It is believed that somebody bears a grudge against the people, and has therefore petitioned his mura [to send] these head-colds.
from some prehistoric animal, which comes as a trade [article] from the Marungarli tribe and is found in their territory. Some were also cut out and ground to shape Reuther: "zurechtschleifen". from broad animal-bones. The kuripikiri, then, is found in the district of the Marungarli tribe, is passed on as an article of trade to the Karanguras, then to the Ngamanis, coming down finally to the Diaris, and is dearly paid for in kind, The animal, from which it is derived, is CHECK to the 'native' people. This [broad, flat] bone serves as a special mark of distinction, in that a hole is bored into [the top of] it, to hang it up. [For example], the ringleader of a blood-avenging troupe carries it in his beard, while a youth about to be circumcised carries it around his neck when he invites people to attend his circumcision.
The word 'to steal' has a sharper connotation, because chests and boxes, locks and latches do not exist. It is already [tantamount to] stealing when a man lays a piece of firewood alongside the track on his way out [from camp], and another takes it home and burns it. If a piece of wood is lying alongside the track, this is an indication that it could not simply have fallen there, consequently it was placed there for a reason; therefore no-one is allowed to take it. If someone does take it, he is stealing what belongs to somebody else.
This is done by the folks who have stayed back [home]. Here the ochre-collectors remain for one or two days; only then do they go to their [own] huts. bukatu-kanaia katu kurijiribanau, tana katuni ngamala dikananto More correctly, this should read tikananto. [for the] ochre-collecting men windbreak erect, they inside the windbreak to sit ought to return erect a windbreak for the brown ochre Reuther fairly consistently refers to bukatu as red ochre, obtained near Beltana (cf. Vol.VIII, No.82) and to marukutu as brown ochre (which J.G. Irrgang states was obtained from Parachilna). By modern road, these two places are about 23-24 miles apart. collectors, so that they can sit down behind it when they come back
Patients always favour a change of wurleys and stopping-over places.
Stakes are placed in the ground, and the dysentery is supposed not to pass beyond these. ngato kudnaltjaia katu kurijiribana warai, tana wolja kudnatjurala nganai ja palila nganai I dysentery boundary have erected, they soon to get diarrhoea will and die will I have set up a boundary for dysentery, and those on the other side will soon [contract diarrhoea and] die
When a man is annoyed with the whole [population of] a certain locality, he chants the kudnarnurka-mura, in which he designates the boundary from which the epidemic (plague) is to begin. Thereupon the people contract a type of diarrhoea and are compelled to die, that is to say, a proportion of them. Should, therefore, such [an epidemic of] diarrhoea strike at some time, one can be certain that somebody has acted the ngilbi. One tries to make it up with such a person by sending him gifts. Eventually a meal of reconciliation takes place, whereupon the person concerned sings his mura and the epidemic ceases.
This occurs in the following manner. When a man is annoyed with the people of an entire locality, he tries to play them a dirty trick, He goes beyond the boundary of his own area, opposite the place he wants to bewitch. There he sets up a pair of eagle's feet, scatters down-feathers which the wind is expected to blow into the camp, and sings his mura or ngilbi [song]. When the wind blows the feathers away, the people contract a type of yaws. Now on the look out, these people discover that here or there the local folks have not developed any yaws; so the epidemic must have been inflicted by them. Revenge is [therefore] planned. For the motivator Reuther: "Ursaecher" [sic]. things get very unsafe [or uncomfortable]. He goes out and rubs the claws of the pair of eagle's feet with fat; he also rubs himself with it, sings his mura [again], and the epidemic ceases.
Whereas a person's main hair [viz. of the head] is cut off with a stone knife, and hairs on the body are singed by fire, the facial hairs [beards] are plucked out. Except for scalp hair, the entire body is cleared of hair by means of fire, before the [men] go up into the hills at Beltana to collect ochre. A man's beard is plucked out after a bereavement and in connection with every mura ceremony. No man with a beard may take part in such a ceremony. A man may appear at a sacred ceremony [vor] "der Gottheit". only when he is beardless and [when his body] is rubbed in with fat. The Wimabilli pluck out the whole beard, while the Wimapaja For information on the Wimabilli and Wimapaia, see Vol. X, p.119 seq.. leave a [small] goat-beard as a token of recognition.
Two men have died in different places simultaneously, one in each place. [The people of] both places accuse each other of exercising sorcery, which has caused the deaths. What is to be done now? The [one-time] sequel was that a man had to be killed on either side. [In that case, however], mutual enmity would never come to an end, so an effort is made to come to terms, for in principle the matter has already been requited. The inhabitants of both places come together at a prearranged spot, around a fire. Some distinguished man takes in his hand two small sticks (representing the two victims of the sorcery), and, holding them aloft, says: 'Shall the two dead (bewitched) men be requited Reuther: "ausgeglichen". [and] reconciled with each other?' If the answer 'yes' follows, then everybody from both [sides] shares the opinion that the other [party] has exercised sorcery on the person concerned. In that case the two small sticks are wrapped with hairstring and buried in public. Following this, a ceremonial meal takes place, and no act of killing may take place. In the contrary case, a relative of one of the two dead men steps forward, takes one of the small sticks from the [speaker's] hand, and repeats the above sentence, saying no, the reason for the death of the bewitched [man] does not rest with you; the dream of the dead man or the inquest into his death has directed me to some other place'. By now the opposite party also has other ideas about its victim of the sorcery. The people of both places have come to terms (or to a mutual understanding), and harbour no more mutual suspicions. Naturally, the [death] of the bewitched [man] is still avenged by a killing in some other place.
During her days of menstruation Reuther: "in den Tagen ihrer Unreinigkeit". a woman is not allowed to fetch water. Water is brought to her also after the birth of a child, The bira month are prescribed, [indicating] for what length of time she may not fetch water, not until the child begins to laugh. Anyone who has taken part in a killing or in a blood revenge pinga is regarded for months as an unclean person. He is not allowed to take part in any ceremony, nor to fetch water for several months. For these people a dish of water is always kept in readiness. Only after they have been rubbed in by others with ochre and fat, are they allowed to do everything and participate in everything. It is said: nari-kumari tanali tapana warai, tana nari-kumarali jerto the blood of the dead they have drunken, they are satisfied with the blood of the dead they have shed human blood, therefore they should not need anything more
a widow is cared for by her dead husband's elder brother, until she marries again. Only when the period of mourning has passed is she rubbed with fat and set free again. nejieli waria mangawaru kulkai, nani jauara ngamananto woljaia elder brother of the deceased the widow protects, she unhindered shall sit before long (soon) the elder brother looks after the widow of a deceased man, so that she may be at no disadvantage for the future
Two elder brothers, each of whom has a sister to exchange in marriage and who has singled out that of the other, wish to announce in public what they have already arranged confidentially. On the occasion of a ceremonial feast one of the two steps forward and says: warle ngali jinkimalila nganai? who we two exchange will? who will exchange his sister with me? First one, then another jokingly says: 'I, I,' etc. At length the right brother (as aforementioned) steps forward and says: 'we two'. The whole gathering is hushed in solemn silence. Both [men] seat themselves opposite each other. One of them makes two strokes on the ground with his finger [thus:] ======= and then crosses them diagonally in the middle [thus:] ====/====The two strokes on either side of the centre-stroke represent the intended couple: in every instance [this means] one's own brother and the sister of the other [man], or one's own sister and a brother of the other elder brother. The names are now called out. If nobody has any objection to offer, one of the two [men] taps the two lines with a stick and says: 'these two marriages are approved and valid'. And that is decisive for all who are present. If one of the girls objects to accepting this or that man for a husband, she is forced by her brother [to submit], because in that case the disgrace attaches to him. She is beaten, her head is shoved into water, she is even placed on an anthill, until she gives in. Generally, they [i.e. the unmarried girls] submit to their fate.
Note: If it is desired to establish peace with a neighbouring tribe or with [the people of] another area, several women are sent as envoys of peace. With these women it is permissible to fornicate. If peace is not desired [by the opposition], the women are simply sent back without anything having been done to them. This is an indication that no peace is desired. As a rule, young and talkative women are sent. No [harm] is allowed to befall a woman.
Menfolk say: kupa dankana. kupa nandruja matja kurana warai kanku child she already has borne, a son she has just given birth to a son
A corpse is placed into a type of net which has been lined with bushes, and is thus carried on to the mound for burial.
This is used at sacred ceremonies. Reuther: "Goetterfeierlichkeiten". (1) The upper arm is [first] tied with a piece of string; then a vein is opened up with a stone-knife and the blood caught in a [wooden] dish. With it stripes are painted on the body and white feathers stuck on to it, so that they look attractive. (2) Also the wiljaru are bespeckled [or bespotted] with blood. (3) The tjutju at Kudnangauana is sprinkled with blood. (4) The young men drink of the blood that is washed off the spears [after a fight]. (5) Stones which are reverenced like the supernatural beings Reuther: "gleich Goettern". are always smeared (rubbed) with blood and fat. [In fact], blood and fat are of primary importance in all the sacred rites.
used for medicinal [purposes].
For some reason or another, someone is seeking to cast a magic spell over the fish, He takes several fish scales, places them into a hollow bone, and carries this away to where he can bury it in dry ground, to the accompaniment of a ngilbi song. This aims to provide that no more fish shall be caught in the net. On account of the fish a man does not get angry with such a person, so long as he can just eat fish [once] more. The sorcerer is kindly requested to put things right again. This is done. The sorcerer as well as all the other folk rub themselves with fish-fat and go down to the shore of the lake. Here they splash each other with water and go through all sorts of movements in the water, just as if they were fish. The meaning of this is that the fish in the lake are supposed to swim about briskly and lively again. Thereupon they make movements with the hands, as if they were wanting to draw something in on a rope, that is, to draw in fish, Meanwhile, the totemic fish song Reuther: "Fischgoettergesang" is sung and the magic bone emptied. A procession around the shore of the lake now takes place, during which somebody blows on a bone whistle, To the accompaniment of ceremonial singing everybody goes back home. Next morning there will again be fish in the nets.
A son (child of the deceased) does this, in order not to be reminded of his father at the sight of the millstone.
Whoever does this is characterised as a kurikantji thief. [The act is] an offence against the [spirit of] community. A 'native' man may eat on his own the game he has caught, and is not forced to share it; but in secret he may not and should not do so. Under certain circumstances a man is killed for doing such a thing. Thus Papalina was once strangled on that account at Lake Pirikundi. This man had been secretly gorging mudlakupa fish, which he had caught in his net, He had been doing this unnoticed for some time; but since he usually ate little at night, folks were puzzled. They followed his tracks, and even tried to spy on him. The first betrayers of the secret were crows, which usually congregate where a fire is smouldering and pick up the scraps when camp has been abandoned. On one occasion a grilled fish-head that had been thrown away was found; soon it was frogs, and then the buried coals. It was decided to strangle him for this at the first opportunity. One day, whilst the women were away in search of food and Papalina was sleeping in his hut round about midday, the intended plan was carried out, The women knew nothing about it, for he [kept on] sleeping in his hut throughout the course of the afternoon and died during the night. The same thing happened to a certain Palkanina at Paratjiri, and again in 1903 to a young man at Mirra-Mitta (Majarumiti ).
This is done by the kapara or [tribal] chief.
Bird-feathers of various colours are used in [ceremonial] decoration.
bunch of twigs that is produced after the person concerned has actually been killed. Note: There was a woman [by the name of] Tandripani, whose son died, so she thought, as the result of sorcery. Since she had no close relatives who could speak on her behalf and avenge her son, she stirred up the local inhabitants to do this. A provocation of this nature is effected by growling at the menfolk, as, for example: you are women, you wear no beards, you have no strength, no courage, etc. Naturally, only a woman may do this, for men are not allowed to talk in this strain. The local inhabitants were soon sufficiently aware of what these abusive words meant. In all secrecy they formed a troupe of blood-avengers, in order to redeem their reputation in the eyes of the woman. The alleged sorcerer was struck down. A bunch of twigs (naria kuma) was now tied together by the blood-avengers, brought home, and, without a word being wasted, placed at the woman's feet. She knew now that the alleged sorcerer had been struck down, and began loudly to voice her eulogies: 'We have really sturdy men in this place; nobody is afraid, our men are strong,' etc. At these words of praise the murderers felt themselves highly flattered, particularly so since the woman provided a malkiri or ceremonial meal.
Anyone who was the first to find a well-vegetated area of country, stuck up a sign in the middle of it, so that nobody else should occupy it. Anyone who finds a bird in the nest of a hollow tree and wants to guarantee the young ones for himself, knocks off some of the tree-bark. Nobody will [then] take the young ones away.
If the young men do this, the elders say that the devil came and induced them to do it.
Not seldom does it happen that people, who have been wandering about in the heat of the day, return home in a state of delirium, [then] lie down, and die. In that case it is believed that the devil has snatched away the soul of such a person; hence he loses his senses and has to die. Dirpilina once went with his brother from Wutjuwutjunani to Kudnani, [passing] from one waterhole to another. when they had gone [only] half-way his brother became dizzy and said: kutji matja wokarai the devil is already coming Seized with fright, he sat down and could go no further. Dirpilina raced to Kudnani to fetch water and call the people. By the time they got back, he was already dead, [so] they said: kutjieli ninaia matja nandrana [warai] Reuther omitted the auxiliary verb. the devil has already killed him Two women, Malkani and Pilkingankani (of whom the latter is still alive), once left Bukawaltuni in order to gather winkara edible plant. As the sun was shining down very fiercely, Malkani said: nganako mina ngakangu pantjili, mita pilkiriji, ngakangu kutji wokarana warai I don't know what's happening to me, for the earth is turning round; the devil has come to me Continuing, she remarked to Pilkingankani: 'you go back [to camp] and tell the people that the devil has taken away my soul and I must die. When the people arrived, she was already dead. Naturally she died of sunstroke. The 'native'', however, believes that the devil has been the ultimate cause of death.
The witchdoctors [can] see him, and when they notice his approach they order the people to stay in camp. The devil does not venture into the camp.
The devil's speaking is to be understood in such a way that he puts into their minds the idea to separate company, without their realising it, for example, the one women gathers food here, the other one there. The devil puts this into their hearts. If an eagle or a crow is detected in the vicinity, it is [considered] certain that the devil has disguised himself in this bird. A certain Bakubakuna once thought to himself: 'I am a witchdoctor and my wife is dead, so I will avenge myself on the women and scare them, just as if the devil were coming'. He carried out his plan, but almost lost his own life in the act. This happened in the following way. He dressed himself in the same [sort of] clothes in which one visualizes the devil. He put on tidnanipa boots and naridiltja trousers. Down his nose and chest [he wore] white stripes, feathers along his arms, and emu feathers around his elbows, etc. With his arms swinging like the wings of a bird, Bakubakuna [suddenly] descended on two women. These thought that the devil had indeed come, but [at this stage] neither of them could escape any more, so they took a stand to defend themselves. While poor Bakubakuna had his legs severed, one of the women died on the following night.
This is a common remark, when a man is made a witchdoctor. It should first be noted that the devil makes his appearance here in the form of a witchdoctor. He is painted and dressed up as one imagines the real devil to be. Since being a witchdoctor is a matter of importance, young men do not wait to be asked twice if they want to become one. It flashed through the mind of Elias (who today is baptized) and a certain Jawilina during their earlier years, after they had been invested with all heathen rights and been introduced to all the secrets, to become witchdoctors. The devil, they said, gave them the idea. They mentioned this to a kunki in Kaurikutu. This man made the [necessary] arrangements and told them they would have to go to Tipapilla, whither a kunki was secretly sent on in advance The [latter] dressed himself up like a devil and awaited the new-comers, in order to initiate them into the subtleties (wisdom) of a witchdoctor. When the two men arrived at the waterhole in Tipapilla (where no people were living at the time), it was not long before the devil actually appeared to them, in bodily form. Both of them were so startled, that neither of them gave any more thought to a disguised human being. The training for witchdoctorhood lasted for three days. On the first day they were stripped of everything human; on the second they became the devil's kamaneli 'friends' in that they received satanic skills; on the third they were ready and escorted back to their camp by the devil, who then disappeared, or, to express it in a better way, who walked into [the same] camp from another direction as an undisguised man. First day. As both of them arrived, the devil received them and directed them to the spot where the ceremony was to take place. The first instruction was that they were not allowed to eat anything just now. The reason for this lay in the fact that the poisonous plants to be offered to them later on would be more appetizing, and should not fail to have their effect. The devil now led each one around separately, so that they could become accustomed to his appearance and demeanour, etc. All three of them passed away the time in this manner, until the two young men had grown really hungry. Towards evening they could then partake of their first witchdoctor food, which consisted of kujamara and kuntjiri plants. These are poisonous herbs which cause people to become delirious. As both began to indulge in idle talk, the first day's real work began. Amid all sorts of hocus-pocus, the [devil] first took away their kana ngundrani, that is to say, the way that humans think, for room had to be made for other lines of reasoning. The poisonous herbs did not fail to have their effect, for, though both [men] were still in their right senses, they had a vague notion that they could no longer think like other people, but were being influenced by a higher power. Both said all sorts of things, like a drunken man, and [could] already see all kinds of visions such as they had never seen before. When the devil questioned them consistent with human reasoning and they gave confused answers, he said to them: kau, matja, judla kunki ngumu pantjila nganai yes, it's like that, you two will make good kunkis He passed the same remark when he asked them if they could see anything and they answered: kutji marapu lots of devils He assured them at the same time that they were seeing correctly, for these many devils were his mili servants. Of course, the devil now had free scope with these two young men. Note: When the poisonous herb does not take effect, as is often the case when nature resists or when they do not eat enough of it (as was the case with Joseph, who was also supposed to become a witchdoctor), then they cannot become witchdoctors. The devil cannot make use of them, for they are not cunning enough for that. Now follows the second act of the first day. For the duration of these days even their ngura ngundrani memory of their camp is taken away from them. They are no longer to know the direction in which their camp lies. The devil often leads both of them around in circles. This, of course, is just the right device to confuse their minds properly. At length he asks them whether they know where this or that place is. Note: If they answer correctly, they must lie down again and are allowed to eat more witchdoctor food (poisonous herbs), while the devil plays more of his tomfoolery on their bodies. Ignorance as to their whereabouts must become evident, or, to put it in a better way, [perfect] confusion must penetrate their minds. In that case both [must] give completely false answers. 'And so,' the devil says, 'I have extracted a ngundrani; Reuther omitted the main verb, using only the auxiliary. He probably meant to say: "Is wird... ihnen herausgenommen". you will be able to go as witchdoctors into territories unbeknown to you, and find your way around where souls can be robbed'. Fundamentally, this [process of] stupefication takes place so that the devil can begin to do with them what he likes, and so that the folks [concerned] cannot make their escape [under cover of] night of during a fog. There now followed the third act of the first day. From now on Reuther changes the narrative to the past tense. The men had their souls taken from them, though they received these back when they left for home. When the soul has left the body, the body indeed still lives, but in a somnolescent state. First of all the two starved men were allowed once again to eat their proper fill of kujamara and duntji. Previously it was kuntjiri. Duntji is one of the several plants from which flax was made. cf. Dictionary No. 2893. After a while the devil had them confused (parawaribana). The current effect of the poisonous herbs was so potent that it grew dark in front of the two [men's] eyes; and since the devil now alleged that he had taken away their souls, to the accompaniment of all sorts of trickery, Elias and Jawilina fell into a deep sleep for the night. Second day. Completely confused in their minds, they both woke up, but received nothing more to eat than witchdoctor's food, that is, poisonous herbs. After having, on the previous day, been emptied of every human [line of] reasoning, they were now filled with matters [requisite to] their office. Whilst both lay on their backs, the devil now acted as though he were cutting open their stomachs. Chips of wood (kunpijerra) and all sorts of other objects (see elsewhere) were stuffed inside. This done, the devil sewed the wounds shut with his own sinews, and neither of them so much as even felt it. These chips of wood and small stones, etc. the devil takes out of his own body. They are used particularly during healings of the sick. He now took out their eyes [also], and replaced these with others, so that they could see what other folks cannot see, especially the devil himself. Note: When young witchdoctors come back to camp, the people recognize [in their looks] that they really have other eyes. Naturally, because the poisonous herbs distend the eyes to the likeness of shining glass and cause them to roll. After these witchdoctor's eyes had been inserted, the devil placed his two candidates on a hill, and said to them: najiamai! mina judla naji? look! what do you both see? Of course, they were now undergoing examination. kutji marapu lots of devils, said both of them. The devil responded: 'You see rightly; these are all my servants'. Both [could] also see how the earth rose up and the devils played with it. 'Everything corresponds,' [was his retort]. It certainly did not occur to either that they were not right in the head as a result of [eating] poisonous herbs. Next act. Both had to lie down, with their heads in a somewhat elevated position. From his mouth the devil now squirted some water into a [wooden] dish. This water, known as wonawaru, he poured over their heads, saying: 'This is ngapa kulikiri holy water. Reuther: "Seelenwasser". This would always accumulate in their heads whenever they needed it or tapped themselves on top of the head. By virtue of this water they could henceforth traverse waterless stretches [of country]. By merely tapping the crown of their head, they would suffer no thirst. This is more of a spiritual water, for the witchdoctor moves about in a spiritual state, outside of the body. Next act. The devil now handed each of his two candidates a piece of raw meat, which they were obliged to eat. If, like the devil himself, they were going to devour raw human hearts which they had spirited away, this should not strike them as strange. Next the devil cut open one of his veins, let the blood flow into a [wooden] dish, and gave both of them to drink of it, saying: kumari judla tapala nganai wapala, judla ditji wakani ngurani murlali wokarala nganai, ja tinka tertini judla kana kumari tapala nganai ja tikalkala nganai turuni tarala nau palinantulu blood you both drink (suck up) will to go, you both sun [in] the small into camp friendly come will, and night in the middle you both mens' blood drink will and bring back will in the fire to burn he until dying I am giving you blood to drink, to strengthen you on your journeyings, so that at evening before the sun sets you may cordially (in hypocrisy) enter the peoples' camp to suck out the blood of one of its inhabitants, and bring it back to your camp to burn in the fire, until the person concerned dies The opinion, of course, predominates that a witch-doctor can suck out anybody's blood, and that when he has burnt it (i.e. the blood) in the fire, the man concerned must die. The witchdoctor pretends to do this in the interests of the [fellow] inhabitants of his camp, so that the person concerned should not come and kill one of them in revenge. This lends great distinction to him. Hence, if [the people of] a certain place want to get rid of one or another person for some particular reason, and the witchdoctor accomodates himself to [the idea], he goes to him in a spiritual [sense] and sucks out his blood, so that he is forced to die. The body lies practically lifeless in the man's hut for two or three days, because the soul is absent, of course. This is a fine devilish trick, for this witchdoctor then eats poisonous herbs (as mentioned above), which bewilder his mind and makes him somnolescent. Next act. jirijiribani-jaura words of command. These rules of behaviour were given to both [men] inside the earth. On the third day they were both painted up, as witchdoctors are accustomed to do to each other. They received their accoutrements for this from the devil and were guided back to their camp at Kaurikutu. At a short distance from camp the devil left them. To the local witchdoctor, who had played the devil's part, the two men had now to prove themselves grateful for the honours he had bestowed on them, by offering him the best of meat, etc. as his due. When witchdoctors pretend to be out on a spiritual quest to rob [human] souls, they eat this poisonous herb and lie practically unconscious in their wurleys for several days. The poor [stupid] people then really believe that they are absent in spirit. In this way the devil deceives the poor heathen.
The native circumvents all such places as are mentioned, and never stays near any of them at night. The devil disguises himself in [the form of] a karawara, that is, a species of eagle, the largest of birds, as well as in [the form of] a kirki, a species of vulture. The latter are his servants. Witchdoctors disguise themselves as crows. Therefore, if somebody notices a karawara in the company of numerous kirki, this is certain to be the devil and his servants. The karawara and kirki are birds of prey, yet the former are fond of robbing the young ones of the latter. If one of them does this, the kirki pursue him in a great noisy flock. Hence this belief. If there are crows in the company of a karawora [sic], then this is the devil with a horde of witch-doctors. If a person has died somewhere so that he is left unburied, or if some carcase [is lying about], or if a snake or some other animal is going along, an eagle and some crows will usually gather around, because they are birds that prey on carrion. When the crows have pecked out the animal's eyes, the eagle comes and carries it home to his young ones. Dissatisfied at this, the crows fly after him making a [great] hullabaloo. This, now, must be the devil and the witchdoctors kutji nauja karawora jeri wapai, ja mili nunkani kirki ja kawolka jeri devil he as an eagle disguised is going about and servants his vultures and crows like the devil disguises himself as an eagle and his servants as vultures and crows
This word is used only of witchdoctors when they assume this office, or of people who have gone out of their wits.
A woman [by the name of] Karilani became mentally deranged and talked of everything she saw and heard. She also hit at everybody that got in her way, and kept on talking about the devil. She is said to have boen cured by the witchdoctors who drove the devil out of her.
The witchdoctor, conducting the post-mortem, decrees: nauja kutjila, ngaiani ninaia nampala nganai he the devil' victim; we him bury will the devil has taken his soul, therefore we can bury him without an inquest. In this case no revengeful action is taken and there is no mourning.
Even the spirit of a deceased person is described in a general way as kutji. If, therefore, a native man is afraid at night, for example, and says: kutjindru ngani japali I am afraid of the spirit This may apply also to a human spirit, whose body lies buried in the vicinity to which the soul is also confined. It is the accepted view that, after the body has been buried, the spirit lingers near the body in the grave for about three days. (Concerning the soul, cf. mungara). Even if the soul is absent, so long as the body has its spirit, it is not dead; without the soul, however, it cannot live any longer. For this reason the Kujani people, for example, cover the corpse with earth after only three or four days. Only when the body commences to decompose, does the spirit segregate itself [from the former] and come up out of the grave. The witchdoctor usually finds the hole of a beetle or of a mouse alongside of or near the grave, and then leads the people to believe that the spirit has already segregated itself from the body and come up out of the grave. Food and drink are placed available at the grave for when the spirit should emerge, and on which it may refresh itself. A windbreak is also erected behind which it may shelter, and a stick placed in the ground on which it may crawl up and warm itself, for it has become fairly stiff through the [cold] dampness inside the grave. At one spot the ground is cleared of all debris, shrubs and prickles, so that on its arrival the spirit may find a clean place of abode. Since the spirit, bereft of the body, fondly seeks companionship, if often returns to the camp where it lived together with the body; but it does not molest the people. If anyone sees the deceased in a dream, it is his spirit that appeared. In addition to all this, attempts are made to deceive the spirit. Were the people for fear of it to desert the camp, it would become angry and follow them. Since, however, people in fact are afraid and therefore break up camp and move on, they return to the grave on the third or fourth day after the funeral. Clapping two small sticks together so that the spirit wakes up and hears, they say to him: ngaiani mata, wata kuteriau ngaianingu ja wonki ngamau, kintalali jinkanali N N puraiati, ngaiani wapai; wata karipateriau! it is we (your friends), do not be angry with us, and stay here constantly; your muramura dog, N N, will otherwise get angry; we are going away; don't follow us! (Here, N N is the name of the dog of the muramura.) When strange people stumble across a grave, the spirit puts them relentlessly ill at ease until they move on. That is the reason why people are afraid to camp at night in the vicinity of a grave-mound. NB. Just one ghost-story. Some of the Lake Hope people once went to Kudnari, in the vicinity of present-day Mt. Gason, and there killed a certain Dindilina. He was buried in a neighbouring spot. Another group [of the same people] had gone out earlier for tobacco, and [as yet] knew nothing of the murder. On their homeward way they came, by chance, to the place where their countrymen had killed Dindilina. It seemed remarkably odd to them that there were no people about and that all the wurleys were empty. At length they noticed by the footprints that their fellow-tribesmen from Lake Hope had also been here. Looking around more closely, they discovered to their surprise a newly-erected grave-mound. On exhuming the dead man, they recognized him, and realised that he had been murdered. That now created a difficult state of affairs. They dared not go to the next inhabited camp, for how easily could the people living there have taken revenge on them for the killing of their fellow-tribesman. Yet to have stayed here would also have been at risk, out of fear of the spirit, for, a Diari people, they were definite strangers. In spite of their being [travel] weary already, they resolved to continue on through the night, so as to get back to their own tribal territory. Scarcely had night set in, when the angried spirit was already giving chase. He nudged one after the other, so that [in fright they all had their hair standing on end, and nobody spoke a word the whole night. Towards morning the spirit turned back, and [thus] the fear-driven wanderers, dripping with perspiration, and completely exhausted, arrived back at the Cooper's Creek where they were once more in their own tribal territory.
Kaurikudu is Cowarie, a place along the road leading up into Queensland. Here is situated the deep warren, where the rats are said to have originated. kauri tana kuduni wirina warai, ngaiana kinai kuruwitjieli nganti japali wonkuni jeri dunkananto rats they into the deep warren went in, we are probing with a kuruwitji, animals scared of snakes like should come out the rats have all gone back to their tunnel; we are going to probe around inside with a kuruwitji a long root (on the head of which a knob of resin is attached), so that, scared as if by a snake, they come running out in fright; then we can kill them
into which caterpillars are tipped when being gathered, so that they cannot crawl away. padia kudu bakujamai, kuduni ngaldra tandrala for the caterpillars a hole dig, into the hole we both to tip dig a pit for the caterpillars, into which we can tip them
This man is not a relative of the deceased, otherwise he would not have been able to throw off the [evidences of] mourning so soon, something which is effected by means of the red ochre. But since contact with a dead person renders him unclean, he now purifies himself by washing his body and painting it with red ochre.
No-one is allowed to tread on this species of edible caterpillar.
term of address applied by the mother's eldest brother, as well as by the father's brothers; each one of them says: 'my child' (or children).
the term of address applied by a kapara to his people. kupata jura ngakani, wolja jera mapaterianau ngana jaura ngarala children you mine, soon this way congregate me words to hear you are my children; congregate soon over in this direction to hear what I have to say to you
sister's husband, the person most respected by the children. [This is the term by which] a brother calls his sister's husband. nganita wapala nganai kupa kanaraia poto manila I go will child to leader things to fetch I will go to my sister's husband to get some things
the name by which the eldest brother calls his sisters. naka ngato kuna kulnuta jinkia, ja naka ngato kulno jinkia, ja naka ngato kulno jinkia, nganita kupa marapu there I child (sister) one gave away, and there I child one gave away, and there I one gave away, I children many I have many sisters: here and there and everywhere I have given one away in marriage The eldest brother brags in this way, because it is he who gives his sisters away in marriage.
said only by the child's parents.
said only by the child's parents.
said to have descended from the muramura himself or from his people. Darani kupali Darani ngankani ngamalkai Darana's adherents (children) also do the work of Darana That is to say, they perform the sacred ceremonies and rituals Reuther: "Gebetsgesaenge und Formen" which Darana showed [or demonstrated to] them.
Pregnant women were treated with utmost consideration.
Thus the man is called who voluntarily submits to a 'second circumcision' (if that term may be used). This operation bears no direct relationship to the real circumcision. In the latter case every male member Reuther: "jedes maennliche Geschlecht" is forced to [go through with] it, but in the other case it is a matter of free choice whether the person concerned wants to submit to the operation or not. This custom is practised by the tribes to the north-west of here, and extends throughout the Diari tribe. To the Jauraworka and Jandruwonta tribes the kulpi is practically a stranger; among the Diari only a fractional number are kulpi; on the other hand, [men of the] Wonkarabana, etc. are nearly all kulpi. One could [practically] describe kulpi as [a form of] "castration" Reuther: "Verschneidung". The male organ is severed lengthwise on the nether side to the depth of the urethra, and then allowed to heal. The reason for doing this is purely sensual, without any kind of religious significance. Thereby the male organ assumes a larger and broader appearance. This, it is believed, the women prefer. I am writing this, in order to let the darker side of heathen nature stand out in its true light, as it is. This subincision, however, does not preclude the possibility of begetting children (as some would believe). This could be proved by hundreds of examples. kulpi ngankana to perform the above operation on a person, [i.e. to subincise].
not to face the head in a southerly direction. jura ngaperi ngakani kunarku todina warai, nauja wata talku you [pl.] father mine crosswise have buried, he (this) not right you have buried my father in a way that the head is not facing the south; it is not right of you [to do that] Injunction of the old men: 'you shall not bury a person in any other way than that his head is oriented towards the south'.
In order to conciliate the menfolk, or to put them in a good mood, women pat them on the head with a flat hand, and stroke them with both hands down the cheeks as far as above the chest. This is called kunpana.
The hairs are burnt on a glowing coal; these are then rubbed in the hands to powder, and with this the net is then rubbed in. The object is to [help one] bear in mind to weave a really long net.
On one end of a long sharp stone [a lump of] resin is attached, to enable a firm grip. This knife is used for hand-to-hand fighting. With it an effort is made to gash the hollow of the opponents knee so that he is forced to the ground, or to inflict a wound in the thigh or on the back so as to render him immobile. The Aborigines are very scared of this hand-weapon of an opponent, because by it a man can be maimed and crippled for the rest of his days.
Heathenism has revealed its [true] character in this way: love your friend (your fellow-tribesman), but hate your enemy (a stranger).
It is of practical use to the Aborigines, insofar that they can obtain water from its roots when needed, and so save their lives. The bush is burnt down, the roots dug out, and the water then allowed to drip from these.
The term indicating this direction stems from the custom that a soulless corpse (not yet devoid of its spiritual powers) It is highly probable that Reuther meant "nicht entgeistert" i.e. 'not deprived of life and vitality', rather than "nicht entgeistigt. is placed at burial with the head facing toward the south, because it is believed that souls become embodied (or incarnated) from the south. All the heathen dead are buried with the head lying toward the south. Hence the direction 'south' lies opposite the ruffle on top of the head.
The people who venerate the kadnunka mura are able to do this. maltara emu feathers and small, sharp wooden sticks are [wrapped] in a piece of fur and hung on a tree. If the object is to bewitch people with colds, a stick is taken out and temporarily stuck into the fire. Then, whilst chanting the [appropriate ngilbi] song, Reuther: "Gebetsgesang" 'prayer-song'. However, I have substituted this with the more specific ngilbi (ceremonial) song. a man takes it and walks in the direction of the people who are to catch cold.
The law-instructors do this in the camp, when everything is quiet.
of women. Dance movements of women are made by [lifting up] their thighs, i.e. to prance about. (1) These movements are made in the course of a fight to goad the men on. (2) When someone has died, the women go around the grave, perform these movements, and wail at the same time. (3) When the Jeljujanti, Karangura, Jauraworka, Marula, Ngulubulu and Karingatata women and girls have devoured a deceased girl strange to the area, Reuther: "ausserhalb des Ortes". they bring her bones into camp in a [wooden] dish, during which they kumana prance about. Girls are eaten only by [members of] the female sex, and boys by the male sex.
By 'girl' in this instance is meant a woman who is only just married.
not to let an uncircumcised [youth] be circumcised with those [of another group]. Tribes mutually well-disposed often celebrate a circimcision festival together, in order to make it more grand. If there are tribes who do not wish to do so for one reason or another, then the above word applies.
not to grant fishing rights to others. ngapali tanapara kurlangai ngaianangu water those are forbidding to us those people forbid us to fish in their waters
to prohibit other people from hunting on one's territory.
not to allow any millstones, etc. to be fetched.
[for people] not to say what occasioned a man's death, in other words, they won't commit themselves.
These millstones are brought from Jidniminka for purposes of trade. The Jandruwonta and Jauraworka people are the owners of this stone-pit, which is of great importance to them for the bartering trade. A good millstone passes for a considerable fortune. In the first place, one has to pay heavily for it; what is more, it is not a trifling matter to have to carry such a [large and heavy] stone on the head. Many an older brother has traded his sister for a good millstone. Thus a certain Tjerkilina carried such a millstone from Pirikundi on behalf of Pajawalana, who thereupon gave him his sister as wife. Anyone who did not have a stone was called bakubaku. These bakubaku folk bring their seed into the camps of those who possess stones, and pound it there, but the stone may not be taken outside of the wurley. If the camp is deserted, the stone is buried. Owners [of millstones] are called marda-kapara stone proprietor. Several weeks ago an old Christian by the name of Simeon bequeathed his millstone to me; I consider this a great honour to myself. As an heirloom, this stone is often passed on to the youngest brother [of the deceased]. Children should not possess their father's millstone, because thereby they would ever and again be reminded of their father. If no younger brother is [still] alive, then the children smash their father's millstone. Before the stone is lifted from the stone-pit on to a man's head, it is told: Mai! mankara ngundrau, nani karari ngamai ngurani, ngauariau! nurujeli ngaldra wapai mankaraia now, think of the girl living in the camp (to which I am going to carry you); think of that, and make yourself light! we will both hurry to the girl The purpose of this is that the stone should not weigh down too heavily on the head.
This is the name given to the people, in whose tribal area these stones are to be found.
The following types of seed are pounded on it: ngardu, wirra, kuntjiri, kalju, palkara, dilikawirra and kalumpa. 'To pound seed' is termed paua dakana. In this instance it is called paua pitana. The [above] type of stone is found at Kandrimoku, and for that reason is traded by the Diari people. Here also the pounding-stone is called marda kuparu (as in No. 1084) The distinction between masculine and feminine stems from the fact that originally the muramura ground the seed, whereas the women pounded it.
This stone is procured from Jediana, which area belonged to the Wonkaranta people. Whole expeditions would go there, attended by sacred ceremonies. It would usually take two to three months before such a caravan [of travellers] returned.
with which a millstone is "picked" when it has become too smooth.
People who have a high forehead are considered to be clever, and are usually chosen to become instructors in [tribal] law.
It is a grave insult to laugh at a person.
When one marriage partner dies, the surviving party feels a sense of shame.
A man receives payment for the giving of his sister [in marriage].
One is obliged to give something in return for a thing received, even if it was meant to be gratuitous. ngani mara manngariji jinka manila, wolja ninapara kurau, ngato wolja minakulno dankananto I hand hesitate string to accept, soon this lay down, I soon something Reuther translates minakulno literally as "waseins" 'what one'; however, it is simply idiomatic for 'something'. want to come across I cannot accept your [gift of] string, [so] lay it aside for a while, until I come across something to offer you in return
It is considered an honour to be strong and fat.
When anyone is stung or bitten, warm sand from the fire is applied to the affected part; this takes away the pain and swelling. A certain Nganalina was once bitten on the finger by a poisonous wiparu snake, while he was digging out a burrow. In order to save his life, he laid his finger on a piece of wood and chopped it off with a boomerang (kirra). A certain Woltjawokarina was likewise bitten on the hand by such a snake, and his arm was already beginning to swell up. Immediately he took a glowing firestick, and, [placing it] in his armpit, pressed it against his body. Thereby he, too, saved his life. If string is available, the arm is bandaged [i.e. a tourniquet is applied] and an incision made into the wound. Womilina died as the result of a snakebite. People who die like that are called tjutjula, and no vengeance is taken on their behalf.
ngardu seed is not eaten in better seasons, for it dries on the bush in pods, and thereby remains preserved for later on. It is a seed that is gathered and eaten in time of drought.
This is done when the wind is not to one's liking, for example, when it blows away the seed at the time of seed-harvest.
No newly-circumcised young men may enter the camp by day (until the wound is healed); if they do so nonetheless, then [another man] takes lime in his mouth, pulls a string through the lime in his mouth, and with this white-washed string strikes the newly-circumcised [young men] in the face, spraying the rest of the lime also into their faces, as a sign that by day they must do the same as do widows or widowers, who also paint themselves white and stay outside of the camp. Only by night may they come inside, so that the womenfolk (especially the mothers) do not see the wound.
These nodules grow on gumtrees, and in each one of them a mealy-coloured grub is to be found which is eaten with great relish. The nodules are nipped open with the teeth.
A premonitory sign. dalpa ngana matai, kana wokarala nganai tankubana ear me is ringing, people come will tomorrow my ear is ringing, so tomorrow some people will be coming
Arguing between a married couple is regarded as a predictive sign.
During a fight a man places a dog's tail to his mouth and bites on it, so as to get real angry. tipa nulia kana matai tirieli kana nandrala dog's tail he man bites in anger man to fight with this man takes a firm bite on the dog-tail; so angry is he to fight the [other] fellow
When a man wants to get very angry, he takes the hairs of his beard into his mouth and bites these.
These feathers, [used] as a decoration for sacred ceremonies, are stuck on to the body with [congealed] blood.
The pajara does this, while telling the girl who her husband will be.
The woman who is sent along is a sure indication that a sacred ceremony Reuther: "Goetterfeierlichkeit". is to take place.
as a sign of assurance. ngato nunkangu jinka-jutju matantaribana warai, nulu poto kampala nganai I to him string-debt have hung around, he things collect will I have hung a "debt-string" Reuther: "Schuldschnur". around him; he will collect the goods in my name. This man is sent to collect outstanding debts. The string certifies that he has been truly sent.
With the Aborigines the temperament has its seat in the heart (ngara). Reuther: "der tonangebender Befehlshaber des Gemuets". The heart is the master-in-chief, setting the keynote to [every] mood. The heart speaks and makes pronouncements ngara jatai. The reference is to No. 2006-6 in the Diari Dictionary. Whatever the heart says, the temperament broods over (thinks), feels, desires, or rejects. 'Heart' also has the meaning of 'soul,' which is regarded as the most essential or constituent part of a person. The soul wanders off before the death of the body, because it cannot endure suffering. It is the silhouette Reuther: "Zchattenbild". as well as the image [or exact reflection] Reuther: "Ebenbild". of the soul, As a spontaneous agent, it is called the 'heart,' Even the devil and the witchdoctors do not rob the soul, but [only] the heart. This derives from the fact that the soul (mungara) cannot be considered as being of material substance, The heart (ngara), on the other hand, is associated with the heart in the body. The physical [nature]of man has been reduced to [the level of] concrete terms, in order to be able to express oneself literally. In quite a natural sense, a man's heart serves as food for the spirit (kutji). The witchdoctors even divide it among each other, when several of them have robbed one of these (in a spiritual sense), They roast it on the fire, and so on.
From my treatment of this word it may appear as though I wished to draw no distinction between character and temperament. The reason for this is that the pagan Aborigine regards (treats) character as a man's predominant bias, turn of mind, or individualism. It is not just a matter of [mental] impression which even bears its material imprint, but of the [whole] exclusive man, [A man's] nature bears just as much reference to his capacity for [natural] feelings as to his homogeneous make-up and temperament. In his [i.e. the Aborigine's] usage of the language, he draws no distinction between his periodic moods and his own naturally-inherited mental disposition. Reuther: "kurzes Gemuet; kurzgebundenes Gemuet".
The native makes this statement in the sense of acquiring [things] by diligent effort, so that he is able to present something of equal [value] during the exchange trade. The original paragraph by Reuther is rather loosely constructed, lacking cohesion and clarity. I hope to have interpreted it correctly.
So as not to be continually reminded of those who are deceased, it is customary not to remain in the vicinity of their graves.
The term is used to describe both human and animal teeth. The two front teeth are called karawara wulu two eagles, because they can bite very firmly like the largest of the birds of prey, the eagle. The next two adjoining teeth, one to the left and the other to the right of the front teeth, are called milara wulu (in Diari: kupa wulu two children, i.e. of the two front teeth). In the case of young men and women, the knocking out of the two front teeth occurs shortly before marriage. The reason why these two teeth are knocked out is, primarily, because folkwant to look nice. Mandramankana improvised this method. However, [the practice] is also meant to symbolize that the married couple is not to mutually scratch or bite, as eagles do when they pounce on their prey. Thus it is intended to indicate that the budding marriage partners are henceforth to live together in peace. The fact that the two adjoining teeth are called kupa wulu two children indicates that the two [young] newly-weds are to love each other like children. And so, before the young man and maiden enter upon marriage, they both have their two front teeth knocked out. The particular person, on whom this operation is performed, places a piece of fur in his mouth so that the teeth don't fall down his neck. On either side of the teeth a pointed stick known as kunja is placed in the mouth, and the teeth tied together with a piece of string, so that, should they incline inwards, they can be pulled out. Another piece of wood is placed against the teeth and then knocked with a stone, until they come out. In the event of toothache, leaves of the wajaka bush are chewed. These are considered to be a good medicine.
Friends often like to build their wurleys in this way, for by so doing they can engage in conversation together around the fire at night.
This is the word [of advice] of an old man to an unmarried youth or maiden. That is to say, the belief prevails that, if a young man or maiden drink from a [wooden] bowl while the water is still disturbed from its being carried about, they will become jealous. Just as the water has been stirred up, so in course of time will their blood be stirred in motion. [Therefore] they drink only after the water has become settled in the bowl.
Widows, jealous folk, eaters of human flesh, and whoever had just returned from killing others were not allowed to be out of doors when it started to rain, because they were considered unclean; if they were [caught out in the open], it was believed the rain would stop. Furthermore, during an emu drive they were not allowed to let themselves be seen by the emus, lest these should run away.
Such people must quickly hide themselves when they see an emu, because they are regarded as being unclean. When an emu has been caught, such an unclean person is not allowed to touch it, otherwise the fat will immediately disappear. It is commonly said that jealous people cannot be reformed (cured) They are also unliked, because they are always suspicious. Decree of the [tribal] law-instructors: mandrakaura wata ngamamai! don't be a jealous person
There are two classes which are permitted, on a reciprocal basis only, to marry from one into the other. These are: Mattari and Kararu, or Kulpiri and Tidinwa. Adherents of one [and the same] class call each other neji brothers The names Kulpiri and Tidniwa are the Jandruwonta equivalents of the Matteri and Kararu class names of the Diari, etc. (idem, p.91).
A father's heir is his brother and a mother's heiress is her sister. A son or daughter would always be [unhappily] reminded of the parents if the deceased's property were left to them.
actually the flesh of a dead person. kana mani manijiribalumai, ngaiani ngantjai tajila, ngara nguru ngankaterila, ngurali nina ngundraiati human fat (flesh) you two hand over, we want to eat, heart strong to make for ourselves, continually him otherwise [will] think of you two cut off some human flesh, for we want to eat [it] to brace our hearts, so that we don't keep on thinking of the deceased In this way the people who stood around the grave would address the two who stood in it and who had laid the deceased to rest. With a stone knife the [latter] would [then] cut off some flesh from the thigh, chest, or cheeks of the dead corpse, whilst saying trrrrrr, and hand it to those standing outside the grave. On receiving it, the latter would respond with kah, kah. The flesh was now grilled for a while and then cut into small pieces, a portion for each one present. Some was [also] kept in reserve for friends who might still happen to put in an appearance. [All] this was done so that the deceased might soon be forgotten. Anyone who had eaten [his piece of flesh] painted himself black around the mouth in token thereof. Those who ate human flesh usually developed a swelled stomach and rolling eyes; ofttimes some even became slightly demented and stuttered for a time.
Washing with water is held in contempt for thereby the skin becomes dry and brittle Reuther: "sproede". in the hot sun, and it is then painful (so they say). Therefore they prefer to rub themselves in with fat, so that the skin remains soft and pliable.
This implies all stones that originate from the supernatural ancestors, e.g. the two hearts of the sons of Darana. When these stones are smeared with fat, the [relevant] supernatural ancestor Reuther: "Goettern", respectively "Gottheit" 'deity'. is honoured and venerated.
Any person who is in mourning lives in shame and is daubed with lime. If he is painted red, the [period of] mourning ends. The red [ochre] is mixed with fat. Anyone who attends a sacred ceremony must be rubbed in with fat. Only by means of fat is the "deity" appeased. By the application of fat an unclean man or woman is rendered clean. Anyone who has touched a dead body, or who is in mourning, or who has assisted in a killing, or a woman who has given birth to a child, or a person who is jealous, is 'unclean' and must first rub himself in with fat, if he wishes to attend a sacred ceremony.
and thus appease the "deity".
The head is placed in the grave, facing south.
It is a disgrace to an elder brother, if his sister is not willing to respond to her husband's wishes.
The husband is the first to get up in the morning. After fanning the fire [into flame], he wakes his wife. She has already prepared everything for an early meal on the [previous] night. The meat is cooked, the seed pounded, and the jaua roasted, etc. The grown-up children sleep in an adjoining wurley, whither the mother brings them breakfast. While the husband attends to the meat, his wife [takes care of] the seed. If there is still a supply of meat on hand, the husband stays at home, looks after the children, weaves his net-bag (billi), or works on his weapons. If the wife has a reserve supply of seed, etc., she [too] stays at home.
After payment for chewing-tobacco has been forwarded in advance, the men are [now] bringing it at last. [Already] at a great distance they light a fire, so that a huge column of smoke ascends. turukudna naniwa dunkajila, tana matja kapangai, ngaiana paru ngankingananto, mauarli tana tajina wirinanto smoke-column she is ascending, they already are announcing themselves; we fish want to (must) get ready hungry they to eat want to (must) come in by means of the ascending smoke-column they are announcing their arrival; let us prepare some fish, for they [will be] hungry and must eat when they come into [camp]
When men (people) are on a journey or when they are out hunting during the summer and have run out of water, they make a fire to signal that someone should bring them water, naka turuta japiji wariwarina tertieli, ngapa mandranimai kana kaljura ngankala, tana wolja paliati yonder fire is kindled to become exhausted from thirst, water carry men satisfied to make, they soon otherwise [will] perish they have kindled a fire over there, for they are parched with thirst; carry some water out to assuage the mens' [thirst], otherwise they could perish
In the first place, two men go out to see where the emus are located. They follow their tracks from a waterhole, where they come in to drink at night. This time the emus are driven away from water, so that they knock up in the heat. A look-out Reuther (rather awkwardly): "Augen Haber", respectively, "Augeninnhaber". is maintained from the camp. As soon as the two men have found the emus and the day starts getting hot, they make a fire. Now the chase begins. On the next hill they light another fire. Men in the camp now know in which direction the emus are being driven. Two other men [then] go out to relieve the first ones, and so on. Constantly kept on the run, the emus soon become exhausted in the heat and thus fall an [easy] prey to their pursuers.
Where one can see (traces) on the ground that water has been running at this spot. talara naka godana warai, jidni wapau ngapa-malka najila rain there has fallen, you go water-sign to see rain has fallen over there; you go over and see whether water is running (or lying, standing) in the creek; inspect the drains
These stones, bearing hand[-like] imprints, are on view at a [certain] waterhole.
according to the direction in which a shooting star falls, there (it is believed) a man has been killed.
It is believed that the sun slips down inside the earth, and that the sun's rays are an indication of rain falling at the end of the earth.
It is believed that whoever offends the "deities" will go blind. Consequently, blindness is an indication that one has offended the "deities". Therefore the bira pintamara law-instructors teach: mura jinkani jundru manjujeli ngamalkamai, kana marapu butjuriati you shall honour your "deity", so that many people do not go blind
i.e. the groove-marks [or furrows on the surface of the ground] around a grave made by the coolamon when filling [the loose earth] into the hole. pirra malka kalianau kumana karitjina coolamon marks obliterate to dance to go round i.e. level out the furrows which we scratched around the grave with the coolamon, so that the women can dance around [it]
cf. the toas.
This applies in particular to those who go out to bring in ochre. When the ochre-gatherers have returned after [an absence of] about two months, a tuft of feathers is attached to a spear and erected on one of the highest trees in the neighbourhood of the camp, as a [secret] sign that they have returned and [to show] where they are camping. The elders in the camp, with their sharp eyes, recognize all too readily that this projection has [only] newly sprung up from out of the blue, and that it bears a message ("has a meaning"). They realize, without letting the women know [anything] about it, that they have to get things ready in the camp.
Of these there are many. However, it cannot be claimed that [a form of] fire-language, as it were, had to exist with [the use of] firesticks at night. Fire signifies a number of different things. In the daytime it indicates: that water is wanted during an emu drive, that a death is imminent, that for some reason or another help is needed, that somebody is approaching, that the people are to assemble, etc., according to circumstances [obtaining], which are not always CHECK to those in camp. Fire signals at night indicate: that one has lost his direction, that one is announcing his approach, that one is kindly disposed, that water has been found, that one has set up camp here or there, in which direction help is being awaited. den desiring to give a secret fire-signal, a spear is lit, held up high, and let to fall again like a torch. [The casual observer] probably believes it to have been a shooting star and pays no more attention to it. The initiated person, on the other hand, knows what it signifies.
When a party of young men is [gone] out after ochre and several [layers] of cloud are to be seen in the sky, one behind the other, this is believed to be the sign that the ochre-gatherers are in the neighbourhood and are marching [home] in Indian file, one behind the other. The women now are no longer allowed to leave [the camp], in order that their husbands may meet up with them at home and gain a good impression of them. talara palkujeli malka wondrai, kanata matja kupirila, jura widla wonki ngamanimai, noa jurani wokaraiati panini rain-clouds signs indicate men (people) already near-by, you women steadfast remain, husbands your otherwise [will] come not the rainclouds indicate that the men are already close at hand; therefore you women shall no longer go out [to gather food], so that your husbands may meet up with you at home
During an emu drive, the men have set up a mile-wide circular perimeter on the previous night. It is known that there are emus inside this circle, which are to be caught. The circle gets progressively narrower in the direction of a waterhole, to which these emus are to be driven and on whose banks men remain in hiding who are to kill the emus as they enter the water. On the following morning, as the sun begins to get hot, the drive begins. A man in the centre, on either side of whom the men have fanned out to right and left, has already enchanted the emus and now gives the signal to decamp. He kindles a huge fire, [whereupon] all the others follow his example. An emu will not run between these various fires. It prefers to strike in the direction where it usually goes to water, [but] in this direction, of course, there is no fire to be seen. Kindling new fires [along the way], those who are posted on the wings now keep on moving further forward, constantly narrowing down the circle. warukati milkitandra ngamalkani nulu wonina warai turu japila, ngaiana pratjaterinali woninanto turu janila witta kulnuni emu eye-owner he has started fire to kindle, we all I too must start fire to kindle line in one the emu-eye-owner (sorcerer) has started to kindle a fire, as the signal that we all are to [follow his example and] kindle a [whole] line of fires
When a delirious person wanders off at night - not a seldom occurrence - people go searching for him in all directions. Whoever finds him kindles a fire. The others, realising what this signifies, [then] abandon the search.
(a) If anyone has unexpectedly died out bush, the person who was with him makes a huge fire and keeps it constantly smoking. Before long people suspect that something is wrong and go to investigate. (b) If somebody sick in the camp has died sooner than expected, then [again] a huge fire is made. Since [people] knew that N.N. was sick, they [now] know equally well, on seeing the fire, that he has died. Often an acknowledging fire is lit to signal that the first one was seen. jinkani ngatotani muntjani nandru turujeli nari kaukaubai your younger brother sick she fire death announces the fire announces the death of your younger brother
When searching for water, several parties go out. The one that finds water [first] makes a fire [to notify the others].
When a blood-avenging group has surrounded a camp and the person to be killed has been spotted, a gesture is made in his direction and he is pinned down with spears.
In honour of their [individual] muramura, people often travel the way once traversed by their muramura, even into neighbouring tribal territories. They sing their sacred chants near the ceremonial stones and trees, just like their primeval ancestor Reuther: "Altvater" 'progenitor,' etc. did once upon a time. No harm befalls the wayfarers in [these] strange tribal countries.
These are the various symbols, in [feathered] designs and ochre, Reuther: "in Schmuck und Farbe". These feathered designs are stuck on to the body with the aid of human blood as soon as it has become tacky. such as the muramura [himself] once wore and which are still worn to this day by his followers (adherents) at the various ceremonies (corroborees).
clump of gypsum attached to a man's beard during his period of mourning. It is torn off and sent along as a token of authentication when gathering together a troop of blood avengers.
A token that the person wearing it is to be circumcised.
If somebody finds a [grass] flat where he intends to gather seed, he erects a peg in the middle of it and attaches a small bunch of grass to it. Nobody will [then] gather seed here. Whoever does so is regarded as a thief.
If somebody has singled out for himself a small island in the Cooper's Creek during a time of flood, where he would like to gather eggs on his own, he attaches a bundle of feathers to a tree as an indication thereof. Anyone else who now collects eggs here is regarded as a thief.
A peg is driven [into the ground] above the covered seed-pit.
If a person dies unexpectedly away from camp, a stake is driven into the ground at the spot where he died; henceforth this may not be touched.
[to indicate] where a man has been slain. If anyone is killed outside of the camp, a stake is driven into the ground in like manner, at the spot where he died.
When somebody out bush knows that he must perish of thirst since he is incapable of going any further, he attaches his tuft of feathers (or whatever he may happen to have on him) to a bush or shrub, so that his body may readily be found.
If somebody has killed another and is afraid of reprisal [or vengeance] on the part of his relatives, he offers an expiation for the [mis-]deed carried out by his own hand (arm). nanaia nguna malka ngamalkau, mankara nanaia ngatata ngakani, wata ngundralanganau nari jinkani, nanaia noa patau! she arm sign have, girl she sister mine, not think of deceased one yours, her [as] wife take! for the [mis-]deed of my hand accept my sister as a token [of conciliation] and think no more of your deceased one, but keep her as your wife
If, after the men have returned home from collecting [supplies of] tobacco, and the latter (after being shared around and stored away in net-bags) then turns mouldy, this is a sign that a man's wife was not faithful during his absence.
When, in consequence of being strangled, a man speaks confusedly [in a delirium], this is a sign that he is about to die.
When someone has caught one, two, or three animals and wants to convey this [information] to somebody a [considerable] distance away, he lifts up one, two or three fingers and with these strikes the other hand once, twice, or three times [as the case may be].
If a man has raped (assaulted) a woman out bush, she reports this to her husband by means of a small stick which she places among the seed in her coolamon. Her husband notices this stick, knows what it signifies, and asks who forced himself upon her. Not seldom such a man is killed in secret.
When a woman's breast itches, this is a sure indication that her daughter is about to pay her a visit.
When a person's back itches, this is a sure indication that someone is about to arrive whom he once carried as a child on his back.
If the moon is encircled by a halo, rain is on the way and folks ought to fix up (build) their wurleys [in readiness].
If there is an eclipse of the sun [in progress], the devil is [believed to be] passing in front of the sun, and people are seized with fright.
This muramura sends down the floods and the rats [which follow] soon after. This is a sure sign that many people are about to die.
Frequently only a [piece of] string is tied around the waist for a belt, and this is retained even at night. At other times a ring of [plaited] reeds is tied around with black and white string.
Particularly girls wear such a ring of woven string on the upper arm.
This [padded] ring is placed on the head, and on it heavy loads are carried. Belts originated from Mariwiri.
This is done at corroborees.
to perform the ritual ceremony, so that the two stars [Kalkuwulana] travel more quickly to the west and the day soon dawns.
The relevant ceremonial song is chanted, so that the Seven Sisters travel further to the west, bringing on the warmer weather.
Since women are associated with the digging-stick Inadvertently Reuther translated wona with "Mulde" coolamon instead of his usual term "Grabholz" or Grabstock 'digging stick'. in the [collecting of] seed, this figurative expression is used when a woman dies: matja nania wona manina warai wapala she has taken her digging-stick to go walkabout she has carried her digging-stick for the last time At home [in Germany] we used to say: 'she has stitched on her last patch', i.e. she has died.
The devil and the witchdoctors do this, so that the person must die.
A newly-born child is called a titari. From the age of several weeks to about seven years [it is then known as] a kupa. There now follows the division of the sexes: a boy becomes a kanku, and a girl becomes a mankara. The boy is called a kanku until a [thin] beard begins to sprout; thereupon he is known as a karuwali uncircumcised youth. For several months before he is circumcised he is called a kurimani Reuther: "Knochenschale nehmen" (sic!). See Note under No. 1288-43). S. Gason (in The Manners and Customs of The Dieyerie Tribe) describes the "koorie" as "a large mussel shell pierced with a hole, and attached to the end of the beard or suspended from the neck; also used in circumcision". bone disc carrier. The kuri is suspended around his neck until his circumcision [takes place]. When he has been circumcised, he is called a jinkakudna one with a lot of string around his waist. When the wound is healed, he becomes a materi waka little man, somewhat later a teri, then later still a materi pirna. At this stage he is indoctrinated in the sacred traditions and rituals. Reuther: "Goetterlehre". Here he remains until he becomes a pirnaru.
one of the two classes [or] moieties (matari and kararu), [involving] lines of descent. While matari means hot-headed, fiery, kararu means sanguine, good-natured.
When the breasts begin to develop, a girl is called a ngamiri (from ngamarina to form breasts).
Even 'natives' consider themselves and their friends better than other people.
These words apply to the law instructor.
This is done against the wind.
tied around a man's mouth during an act of tomfoolery. (See kangi).
The rat is also a mardu: a divided one, to be sure. One section of the majaru mardu belongs to the Kararu class, Used in the sense of "moiety". and the other to the Matteri class. Just as these two types of rat can intermingle, so the two classes can intermarry. In the wake of these rat migrations there usually follows a mortality among the 'natives', which the muramura Mudlatjilpitjilpi, [is alleged] to send; [but] it is probably occasioned by their overindulgence in the flesh of these animals. The people develop a type of leprosy. If the sores discharge pus, the sufferer dies; if they bleed, he stays alive. In order to protect himself from this sickness, a man covers his wurley with porcupine grass, even [to the point of] spreading it around inside and sleeping on it. This is [supposed to provide] some sort of immunization.
From this [constellation] the native recognizes whether winter or summer is near.
This is a kind of potato, which is sought after by the 'natives' in good seasons and eaten by them with great relish.
Characterised as bad, wicked, evil are [the following:] (1) kurujeli manina secretively to take, to steal; (2) kurujeli tajina to eat (something) in secret; (3) kurujeli nandrana secretly to kill someone (Killing out of vengeance, on the other hand, is permitted); (4) kurujeli padana secretly to elope with a woman; (5) kurujeli jinkina to give away another person's belongings; (6) jaura kaldri bitter words; (7) widlani karina to chase after women; (8) punpana to say 'punpa' Probably the equivalent of 'pooh-pooh' or 'poohhooh'. behind a person's back; (9) wijikurulana to say 'wiji, wiji' behind a person's back; (10) mita jinmana to throw dust in the air in front of someone; (11) mudla madlentji patana to say: "you have an ugly face"; (12) tidna wakawaka jidni you tiny foot (meaning 'you are a child and not a man'). (13) jedina to tell lies; (14) ngulku betrayal; (15) warawarapana to say something bad behind a person's back (to make slanderous remarks); (16) jedibana to deceive, to belie; (17) bakujeli dikana to say of someone that he did it (when it is not the case); (18) widla paltuni wapana [for a man] to walk along the same track as the women; (19) widla tidna nankana to tread step by step on a woman's footprints (thereby the husband is offended, because the impression is created as though the man is having an affair with his wife); (20) wokarani karkana not to call after a person when he is going away (this creates the impression as though one may have watched him and perhaps [even] laughed at him); (21) pantjani kinkana to laugh about a person's knees (to laugh about the way a person walks); (22) kinkalkana to laugh about people after they are gone (thereby the friends of those who have left are offended. Usually, [however], those who have gone are generously praised, in order that their friends may feel flattered); (23) pintapintakana to speak about a person's shortcomings or defects (It is not permitted to say: he has crooked legs, a bald pate, a funny walk, that he can't run, can't throw straight, has a bung eye or disobedient children, etc. Only in the course of an argument are bad remarks passed; then even a man's physical disabilities are given prominence); (24) kana nguruja noani pirkina to tease another man's wife (to play with her; to cast familiar glances at her; to give her presents; to help her carry something; to speak kindly to her); (25) kana waka patana to regard or call a man small (in his ways, his speech, his deeds, i.e. to regard him as trivial and unimportant); (26) mandrakaura jealous, envious (e.g. to be jealous of one's wife. Thereby the elder brother, who gave [the man] this woman, is insulted. In the contrary case, a married sister can receive a sound thrashing into the bargain from her elder brother, if she happens to be the jealous party. Despite this, jealousy among the Aborigines is very deeply engrained, ofttimes not without [valid] reason); (27) ngara dunkana to beat one's wife (for such a person one has little respect inwardly); (28) delkina to be disobedient (e.g. for a wife not to obey her husband, or for a girl not to want to accept an [appointed] husband); (29) milkirina to look lustfully upon a woman or young girl; (30) tjakakana to answer back (especially on the part of younger [men] over against their elders); (31) wondiri jatana to debar, to interpose Reuther: "ueber's Kreuz sprechen". I am unfamiliar with this expression. (i.e. to forbid to kill this or that man, when at the inquest he is accused with having committed sorcery on the deceased. Even a man's [elder] brother may not intervene in an instance like this. Either one has to sacrifice the life of another man in the camp to the bloodavengers, or place one's own life at risk and let oneself be killed. Examples exist of the latter [having occurred]); (32) kamana not to offer any bread or food to eat (the practise of hospitality. It is one of the gravest insults, drawing a heavy penalty, not to treat a stranger hospitably, even if one is not favourably disposed towards one's guest. The best is offered to him, even though the children may have to be deprived [or short-rationed]. Of course, one expects the same treatment in return. The stranger is given the choicest spot at the fire inside the hut; and often, whilst sitting at the fireside, one flings an arm around him, addressing him as neji elder brother the most complimentary title one can verbally bestow. One admires his lovely hair, his beautiful body, his deeds, and what he has to say. One takes him out hunting, and naturally loves to listen to the news he relates now and again, for the Aborigine has a particularly deep interest in this sort of thing); (33) mudla tarana to imitate some tomfoolery [or distortion of faces] Reuther: "Pfraze" instead of Fratze. (this is deeply insulting, leading to arguments and very often to death by vengeance); (34) narini kumana [for women] to dance around in respect to the deceased (if the death of a relative, brought about by sorcery, has not been avenged, and the men do not bestir themselves to avenge it, the women (who are related to the deceased) dance naked around the huts of the men, calling them by all sorts of nicknames, in order to stir them up. This reflects shame upon the menfolk. Therefore the language describes it as 'bad, wrong'. The men, of course, always want to play the boss); (35) mudla dirkana to turn away one's face (thereby feelings are deeply hurt, and the question is soon asked: why?); (36) manu mujarina parched, withered disposition (when a man doesn't speak anymore); (37) jatamalina to engage in verbal battle; (38) tirimalina to fight with fists; (39) kalamarlina to abuse or revile one another; (40) dikidikibana to wish someone dead; (41) diadialkana to shake; to beat (when a person has already been felled to the ground. When a man has fallen in duel combat, he has been vanquished and may not be beaten any further. When a troop of blood-avengers [plans to] kill someone, the man concerned must first get up; only then is he struck down.); (42) walpawalparana to hit someone (so that he slumps to the ground, then fall upon him and beat him further); (43) billi japijiribana to burn somebody's net-bag (i.e. to burn down his hut); (44) tjendatlendana to give someone a bad name, to libel someone; (45) kutji patana to call someone a devil; (46) mudla kalkalkana to vent one's anger on someone out of the group; (47) kindala patana to call someone a dog; (48) nari patana to call someone a dead [man]; (49) padipadi patana to call someone stupid; (50) jirijiri patana to call someone mad; (51) ngaltja worana to expectorate in front of someone; to spit into someone's face; (52) widla patibijiribana to call each other women (it is a grave insult to call a man a woman); (53) kanku patana to call a man a boy; (54) tiribaku patana to reproach a man (that he doesn't lose his temper and that he has no courage); (55) manukaruwali Reuther inadvertently spelt the word munakaruwali patana to charge a man as newly circumcised; (of having the feelings of a young lad who has just been circumcised); (56) ngaratalpana to set someone's heart on fire; to incite to anger; (57) kalakalarilkijiribamalina to hate one another; (58) kalikalibana to reject one's wife and take another; (59) muntja ngarakarana to tie the heart of a sick man together (not to help a sick man); (60) muntjani japali to be afraid of a sick man; not to come near a sick man; (61) kirilju patana to call someone a snake; (62) junkarina to become cross or irritable; (63) buljubuljurina to ignore a person; to pull a face; (64) dampadampalkana treacherously to creep along and kill (i.e. to assassinate [a man]); (65) kurukuru dijana furtively to aim at [someone]; (66) kurukuru kaluana to steal seed [for food]; (67) piltjaru ngankana to scatter another man's possessions around; (68) piti kipana to lead the life of a homosexual; (69) kidni karakarana to touch, fondle, or catch hold of a man's genitalia; (70) mita mudlani to throw sand into someone's face; (71) kujamaru waru patana to call someone a piece of rotten wood; (72) minkajiri waru patana to call someone an old grave; (73) kidni dunka patana to call someone a rotten [or stinking] genital
Just as the native men decorate themselves with cicatrices (witta) in diagonal lines across the chest, in order to look attractive, so this snake has coloured markings, formed by rings of varying degree. Therefore it has acquired this name.
Children are not buried deep in the ground, for it is felt that the deeper they are buried, the further removed they are.
This is done, when children have been stealing in common. All the culprits have to place their hands one on top of the other. These are then smacked with a light switch, only as a matter of form (ceremonially), of course, for it is not permitted to smack children. This is intended to indicate that never again are they to go into somebody else's wurley to take something out, a matter which otherwise carries a heavy penalty.
If [our] folks have killed one of "their" [men] and they have killed one of "ours", efforts are made to equate the two deaths, [i.e. to come to terms], so that [needless] killing back and forth may be averted (cease). There is mutual reconciliation, which is tantamount to balancing out the two deaths, equalizing and reconciling one with the other.
Someone adopts a stranger child as his own, e.g. an orphan, then people do not say: 'He or she has adopted the child as his/her own,' but: 'He has placed the heads together,' i.e. he regards the head of the adopted child just as important as that of his own child.
This [little animal] is dug up, so that the children can play with it. As long as someone was digging out the mouse-hole, the bystanders Reuther inadvertently wrote "Umsehenden" instead of "Umstehenden". had to blow up their cheeks; if not, the father would soon die.
A child without a father and mother, in the same [sense] as ngamuru; matjumatju relates more to the father, ngamuru (from ngama breast) more to the mother. If the child is already weaned and loses both its parents, it is a matjumatju. If it loses both parents whilst it should still be drinking at the breast, it is a ngamuru (from ngama breast and nguru hard, closed), [implying that] 'the breast is sealed off; the [child] can no longer suck [at it]'.
This is one of the mardu Listed by Reuther as a mardu in Vol. X, p.i, No.7 and identified as 'cormorant, shag'.
White is the colour [symbolic] of mourning, red that of joy. As soon as a husband or wife has died, the surviving marriage partner, together with the nearest relatives, withdraws to the rear of several sandhills, without taking part in the funeral [ceremony]. The long hair of a widow is immediately cut off, and the head plastered (painted) over with gypseous clay, even the face, also the beard in the case of a man, In the deepest depths of sorrow not a word may be spoken. One merely indicates by signs what is required, e.g. water. All day long the mourning husband [or wife] sits in his hut, brooding over [his situation], silent, alone, and lost in thought, After two or three days all relatives gather together once more at the grave, towards evening. Now the sorrowing spouse also turns up. He or she draws near, and several times crawls around the grave as a sign of deepest sorrow, This is the last visit to the grave. After a considerable lapse of time, the [principal] mourner is brought forward and smeared with fat which has been mixed with red ochre. With this the mourning [period] has come to an end. The widow now provides a ceremonial meal for all those who assisted in her husband's burial.
To prohibit [other people] from entering the territory within one's tribal boundaries, which had [previously] been conceded for hunting purposes.
not to take vengeance in respect to a man who was killed.
to bring back a widow who married into another tribe, but whose husband has [recently] died.
The Aborigine exploits his faculty of foreseeing the future in a strange way. A certain Dindilina decorated himself one night, as he was in the habit of doing for a sacred ceremony, Reuther: "der Gottheit gegenueber". presented himself to the local inhabitants, and said: Narapaltani ngato mandru nandrana warai, pudlaia In error Reuther wrote "tanaia", which is the plural pronoun ('they'). However, the dual is required. narieli ngakangu karari wondrai, tinkani pinga wokarala nganai, tankubana ngani nari in Narapaltani I helped to kill two men, and these two dead men have [now] revealed to me that a troop of blood-avengers will come during the night and I shall be a dead [man] tomorrow Thus it happened. He was put to death in Kudnani.
The instructors in tribal laws [and traditions] say: jura wata milkirina najinanto kana nguruja widla, jura nari maniati you not envious should see men of other wives, you death [will] take otherwise you shall not cast your eyes on other mens' wives, else you will [surely] die
If a person who committed fornication within his own relationship was found out, death by strangling was the inevitable result. Once when the local Christians heard that a young man had committed incest with his mother, they asked me whether they couldn't go and strangle and burn him to death.
These are the people of today. From them have come the diversity of tribes, dialects (languages), and the classes.
The milkiwaru and dukadukapi are regarded as the kapara of the water-birds, because they were the first to be named by the muramura. Hence they were the first, and all other water-birds are their mili or followers. milkiwaruja ja dukadukapia mili paja pratjana nganai, tana ngapani ngamai of the milkiwaru and of the dukadukapi followers birds all are, they in water sit all birds [that live] in the water are the followers of the milkiwaru and of the dukadukapi
A neji or elder brother, is the kapara to his ngatata, and these are his servants. tanaka mili tanani poto kaparaia waltai they there servants their things to the superior carry the younger brothers take their things to their elder brother. [He is their superior]
The father [respectively husband] is the kapara of his wife and child, i.e. wife and children are his mili.
in other words, to follow the back of a leg. This is evident when walking in Indian file, one after the other. This walking behind instead of alongside one another is preferred because of [the discomfort of] prickles to naked feet.
i.e. a servant's permanent habitation or place of abode. This word bears reference to the tribal territory which has been allocated (assigned) to his servants (respectively to his people) by the tribal ancestor (the respective muramura).
The first-born son is called a panturu, the last-born a ngamamudani, a one and only [son] a kudakulno, while those [sons] born intermedially [are called] milara.
Those who have eaten flesh from a dead body, in other words, who are in mourning and [smeared] with gypsum (tudnanto), must abstain from eating meat during their period of mourning. However, this applies only to [members of] the Kararu [moiety].
By "fasting", of course, one must not understand something voluntary, but compulsory. The speaker has probably already eaten to excess, or has no appetite for some reason or another.
on account of having come in contact with a dead body. ngapani ngani milja narila, nari karlara ngato ngamalkai, paru ja ngapa kutiati water abstain as one associated with death, Reuther: "Todenaner". death odour have, fish and water otherwise [will] disappear I am not allowed to go near the water, because I have been in contact with a dead body, consequently I bear the odour of death on me; if I were to go near, the fish would withdraw and the water would dry up Anyone who has touched a dead body passes as unclean. No unclean person may eat fish or fetch water from a lake or waterhole. If he does, the fish will withdraw to the depths [of the lake], and not enter the nets; the water, too, will quickly dry out. The purification of such a person takes place in the following manner. First the person concerned is sprinkled with water from a dish. Then a fire is kindled, and branches which give off pleasant fragrance are laid on top. In this fragrant smoke the unclean person is made to stand. This done, his whole body is smeared with fat and red ochre. Thereupon he is led down to the water's [edge]. The fish and the water are supposed to see that he is now clean. This ritual is accompanied by ceremonial chanting.
not allowed to touch a millstone. mardani ngani milja, narila, mantali paua dakalata, ngopera ngakangu kana wolkari jurananto towards the millstone I avoiding, as one associated with death, myself seed to grind, first people me must purify (initiate) I dare not touch the millstone in order to grind seed for myself, for I have been in contact with a dead body; the folks have first to purify me Whoever has touched a dead body is unclean, and, as such, may not grind seed. If he does, the seed-pulp will turn gritty. Reuther: "griessig" instead of griesig. The stone will crack, and the pulp will not satisfy [the eater]. Purification is effected in the following manner. A man places some seed and gypsum into a wooden dish and moistens the [mixture]. To the accompaniment of ceremonial chanting, he smears this all over the body of the person who has been in contact with the dead, and says: ngaldra paua pilkipilki dakadakaraterila we two shall regrind the various seeds on our own He does not say 'I,' but 'we two,' - which is a frequent manner of speaking. Therein lies a [hint] of sympathy for the deceased, on whose behalf he has been mourning, at the same time, however, a [hint] of joy [at the thought] that he is now being relieved of his sorrow. With the fingers of both hands he now scrapes down the body which was smeared with the [admixture] of seed-pulp and gypsum, [thereby] signifying that the white, as the [symbolic] colour of sorrow, indeed, the sorrow itself - shall now be removed. Next he rubs the person with fat and red ochre, to symbolise joy. He then hands [to him] a small millstone, marda kuparu, addressing him in the words indicated above. The person in question [i.e. to whom this is being done] now scrapes with his fingernails over [the surface of] both stones [upper and lower], and begins to grind. A contaminated person may not go out [of the camp], lest he step on a seed-bearing bush or edible plant, for both [these kinds] would decay everywhere. Neither may he touch or eat any fish, snakes (womas), emus or lizards, for these animals would immediately grow lean and the fish withdraw to the deepest part of the lake. Reuther: "Seekessel". He may not eat any wild dog [meat], stand outside in the rain, lest it stop raining, pluck any reeds, or weave a net, for no fish would get caught in it. He may not attend a sacred corroboree, nor touch a child, otherwise it will not grow up.
A man, when he is first circumcised, may not let himself be seen by women, until one is brought to him when his wound is healed. The [young] woman is blind-folded so that she may not feel ashamed in the presence of the young man. She is brought and lent to him for the night.
When a woman experiences her menstruation (menses), each of the couple becomes unclean, and the above rule applies to both of them. When the menstrual period is over, the wife daubs herself with a little gypsum. On the following day she rubs the gypsum off, and smears herself with red ochre. Both are now clean [again].
not permitted to eat birds' eggs. This applies to those who have just been circumcised, up to the time that their wound is healed.
It is rather surprising that a heathen, without making any attempt to rescue [the victim], will run away at the occurrence of an accident. He suspects the dark-some power of the devil. One could cite examples of how one or two people were buried alive during the digging of a well, and how the spectators, without making any attempt to save theme sought their own safety by running away. Such a spot, where the earth caved in, is avoided for ever after.
The gay twittering of birds on the wing is interpreted to mean that a good season (rain) is now on the way; therefore [folks] are wrangling, so to speak, about their millstones [and] about all the seed that is going to grow and will be able to be ground. There is, indeed, a difference in the cry of birds when they are in flocks. During the hot summer, when they come in large droves around the wells [or waterholes], finding little to eat out bush, the sound on the ear is somewhat different than when they wheel around in large flocks in the bush during a good season. (This is worth taking note of at some time).
This is brought about by chanting the [appropriate] ceremonial [or totemic] songs. Reuther: "Goettergebetsgesaenge".
spot where, according to the Aborigines' point of view, the floodwaters emerge from the ground.
The fact is that, in order to save work, those parts are dug out where the head and feet are meant to lie. The centre wall is only breached afterwards. The body is shoved through this hole. This [type of grave] is called a nariminka. If the grave is completely unearthed, it is a narikutu
ochre mine, where men dig for red ochre (similar to a coal-pit).
cave where emus are said to have at first come out.
where wind comes out, or is said to come out.
This is made from animal sinews, and is set up directly across the climbing path of animals, which [thus] get caught in it, (like a hare in a noose).
when they are calling outside of the camp.
The muntjuru blowflies lay maggots on a carcase, etc. It is believed that tampangara pelican originates from maggots. Once, after a muramura had been buried, maggots came up out of the grave and crept to the water's [edge]. From these came the pelicans.
The earth in general is called Murala belonging to the deity, Reuther: "Gottheitaner". i.e. created by the Mura. mita naujata Murala earth he certainly belonging to the deity Reuther: "Gottheitaner". the earth belongs to the deity Likewise Murala are: the space twixt heaven and earth, the sun, the moon, the stars, the hills, the muramura ancestors, the soul, the spirit, and all non-edible plants and shrubs. On the other hand, the rain, all edible plants and shrubs, some of the animals, also creeks, and everything that provides man with food and clothing or which is inimical to him [passes for] muramurala, i.e. they belong to his forebears, as things that have been requested of the Mura for man's good or evil. But let us return to mita.
It is customary to speak in this way, in a [somewhat] dignified, elevated language, when wanting to speak to the conscience of one who readily tells lies.
This is strictly forbidden to children, since it is believed that the ground will catch alight. Volcanic remains were probably still to be seen by native people in earlier days. This conclusion may be drawn from various place-names.
It is believed that, where the sun rises, the earth is so hot that it is boiling. It is as hot there as when the sun first rose in Ditjiminka.
It is believed one can detect a sinister rumbling from time to time. This is supposed to result from the collapse of the earth's rim, in that sections (strata) of earth-chunks break loose and roll down the edge into the abyss, with a roar. If the local witchdoctor hears this rumbling [noise], he calls all the people of the camp together on to a hard plain and chants the ceremonial songs. The effect lasts for days: all the people are more quiet and lost in reflective thought. These [massive] falls of earth keep on occurring, until at length the last section of earth rolls into the abyss, and the earth [will then have] come to an end. As far as the local Aborigines are concerned, the southern limits [of the earth] are Lake Torrens, known as Murlari salty, brackish. From a hill the old men used to show this lake to the younger men and tell them that there lay the end of the world. The country to the west is called Kalkapiti end of the night, end of the world in the direction of evening, i.e. the west. To the north [the country] is named Miljiwoldra, from maralji red and woldra hot, signifying 'the end [of the earth] where the hot winds and the red dust originate'. To the east the native envisages a very fruitful land, where animals abound.
By Mura is to be understood the one and only deity [or absolute supernatural Being] known to the Aborigine. The [deity] is invoked through the ceremonial songs which originated from the muramura, and which are repeated in [times of] joy and sorrow at corroborees and on all of life's [important] occasions. In response to the ceremonial songs, Reuther: "Goettergebetsgesaenge". the deity is obliged to help. Often this is done with reluctance. If, for example, the [deity] is entreated for rain, [but] a thunder-storm comes up [instead] and the rolling of the thunder can already be heard away in the distance, it is customary to say: talara jindrana rain (thunder) is crying, Reuther (inadvertently): "der Regen weit" instead of weint. The Diari phrase should actually read: talara jindrai. i.e. it does not suit the deity to send rain, and only with reluctance does [he] send a thunder-storm. He expresses his anger in that he shatters trees by means of lightning, and kills bad (especially 'unclean') people, on whose behalf no vengeance is taken because they must have deserved to die. Everything that has not been solicited from the Mura through the invocatory songs Reuther: "Gebetsgesaenge". of the muramura belongs to the Mura, i.e. it is Murala Reuther: "Gottheitaner". or the property of the deity. Thus the earth, in its undeveloped or incomplete form, belongs to the Mura, that is to say, it was put there [created] by him. [On the other hand], the streams and [all] useful and edible shrubs and plants were at first petitioned from the Mura by way of the muramura invocatory songs; hence they were not existent in the beginning. When the muramura came up out of the earth, they found on their arrival only virgin chaos. Had not this or that already been petitioned by other muramura who emerged from the earth before them, they [would have] found nothing as much as to eat. Their first task on earth, [therefore], was to turn to the deity with their songs of invocation, Reuther: "Gebetsgesaenge" so that edible plants should sprout forth out of the earth, or that animals should come into being. With regard to mankind, this much can be said with certainty that the muramura were the first "people" to inhabit the world. All and sundry, they originated from daka 'clods' Reuther translates "Erdkloefen" instead of Erdkloesse or Erdenkloesse. in the earth, and the legends [speak of] them as wriggling their way up out of the ground at various times and in various places (to which the locality-names bear witness). Some of them appeared on the surface of the earth as still undeveloped in their limbs, yet all had wives (noanto) and attendants (mili). Whether they appeared on the earth's surface at the command of the Mura, I never ascertained; but the muramura were most intimately associated with the Mura, for there exist invocatory songs to the deity (as the legends prove) which they sang while they were still in the earth. In each and every circumstance of life they turned to the deity, (as the legends again relate). And so, in the beginning, there existed only muramura and mili on the earth. Mili signifies as much as servant, follower, retainer Heaven, without its most significant luminaries, belongs to the Mura. The sun, the moon, and all the important and outstanding constellations have, for the most part, themselves been earth's muramura. The sun was a woman, the moon a man. (See the legends relating to Ditji and Pirra). See the narrative of these legends in Vol. X, pp. 64-68 and 21-22 (or 29-36) respectively. It is possible to acquire anything and everything from the Mura, if he is approached with invocatory song. He [can], however, be prevented from giving [in compliance to requests] by means of the ngilbi songs. By ngilbi is meant, briefly, a contrary [form] of invocatory song, [i.e. a counter-song], whose power degenerates into sorcery and magic. For example, if someone has prayed for rain, and it does not rain, then somebody else has simply come up with a counter-song. (See ngilbi). It must not be forgotten that the Mura [can] be moved to anger when he sees contaminated (unclean) people walking about, also that the devil often interferes in his activities. The Mura is loved for fear of a man not attaining [his heart's desire], or for fear of punishment. Nevertheless, if a man has gabbled off Reuther: "hergeleiert". the invocatory songs in accord with their traditional forms, and has smeared himself outwardly with fat and red ochre, or painted himself with beautiful markings for a corroboree, and singed off the hairs all over his body, the deity is satisfied. But that he [i.e. the deity] should discern the thoughts of men, and try their hearts and reins, of this there is [blatant] ignorance. All the muramura alike venerated the one Mura. While one requested rain, a second [asked for] fish, and a third for seed, etc. (See muramura). According to whichever particular muramura one now recognizes as one's tribal ancestor, Reuther: "Stammvater". a corresponding reply is given to the question: 'Who is your mura?' The answer, for example, [may be]: talara rain, meaning, 'I know the legend of the talara muramura and his ceremonial songs; these I sing by way of invocation, as inherited from and handed down by my father'. And so the various "descendants" make different requests: one for rain, and so on. Of course, it is customary to learn the ceremonial songs of the adherents of other muramura also, so that one can sing them together as a group during a corroboree. When the muramura were dead, [people] began to bestow divine honours upon them. At length they went [a step] further, to venerate stones as the [petrified] bodies of the muramura, or trees as springing up where they had trodden with their feet, or sun, moon and constellations as their [ascended] souls. This idolatry was cultivated to the point where one ultimately forgot the deity and worshipped created things [instead], though these might still [retain] the form of the muramura. Let us now pass on to the word Mura, and observe in what relationship it stands to the reduplicated word, muramura. This form of reduplication is an [idiomatic] peculiarity of the local language, for it is to be found in all word-forms with the exception of the pronoun. The word Mura stands in relation to muramura as genus does to species. There is one Mura, whilst there are many muramura. Mura is a personal name, whereas muramura is a generic term, for there are many of the latter who also bear a personal name. (See muramura). Just a few other examples: kapara tribal chieftain; headman, kapakapara ringleader of a band or group, mita earth, mitamita piece of earth, waka small, wakawaka lots of small. For more information on Mura, see elsewhere. In everyday colloquial language, [the adjective] mura signifies very biggest; most beautiful etc.
That is how a sick man speaks before he dies, and therewith he comforts himself in [the hour of] death. A native man clings to his totemic [or ceremonial] song with all his heart.
The soul ascends in Palkarakarani, where the souls (heart of the deity) of the muramura once ascended. At the grave the soul's ceremonial song is sung to it, so that it may accompany it [on its last journey]. This should cause the soul to rejoice, inasmuch as it realises that it is being remembered; it should also facilitate the [soul's] separation from the body, and guarantee it a happy ascension. Of course, this happens only in the case of those who have died a natural, that is to say a decent, death, not, [however] in the case of those whose death one would describe as evil.
In this case a "descendant" of Darana has died, and so it is customary to decorate oneself as Darana once did.
These [words] apply to a dying man.
If, for example, the child of [one of] the adherents of Darana (who was very dear to his [father's] heart) has died, the [father] cuts his tongue with a stone knife, and squirts the blood skyward. By reason of this complaint the deity is roused to anger, and no more rain will fall. It has even happened that a son, upon the death of his dearly-loved father, severed the sinews in the hollow of his knees, so that he [too] had to die. Also by [a wilful act like] this the deity is roused to anger, for he wants to see healthy (nice) people; yet here is one who mutilates himself, yes, even commits suicide. By means of ngilbi ngankana one [can] bring misfortune upon people, such as drought and dry conditions, extremely hot weather, gale winds, duststorms, and sickness, etc. ngato Mura ngilbi ngankala nganai, ngaiana kana marapujeli muntja wolja ngamalkala I the Mura provoke to anger will, we people many sickness soon to have I shall provoke the deity to anger, so that before long (soon) all the people will be smitten by sickness Most times such a ngilbi is [smartly] caught and smeared with fat; thereby he is satisfied, and the deity is appeased (conciliated).
This takes place during the mindiri, when the young men are shown the [various acts or ritual] forms. mura mindiri ngaiani teri milki wondrala nganai, tanaia milkila pantjinanto muntali wonkala sacred ceremony Reuther: "eine Art Jubelfeier". we young men eyes show will, they knowledgeable are to become themselves to sing at the mindiri festival we will show the young men the [ritual] forms of the sacred ceremonial performance, Reuther: "die Form der Goetterverehrung". so that they themselves can [re-]enact them The mindiri a kind of major celebration)
This occurs here in a bad sense. One mentions the name (dikana) of a person during a secret conversation, if one has suspicions of him or desires to kill him. There exists here a similarity with the taking of God's name in vain, and implies challenging the deity. ngato mura dikala nganai ngakani kupa narini, ngaiana pratjana muntjarinanto I deity challenge will my child's because of death, we all are to become sick I will challenge the deity (by invoking his anger to punish) on account of my child's death, so that we all become ill Since it is not possible to take revenge against the deity, an attempt is made to provoke his anger against one's fellowmen. A native man [by the name of] Elisha related to me that the manager of Manuwalkuni, (Netsman), This European name has obviously been mutilated by Reuther's Aboriginal informant, so that the man's real identity is now unrecognisable. was pursuing another native, and that when the latter saw him coming, he chanted his mura song against his pursuer, in order to invoke the wrath of the "deity". Meanwhile, however, he was pierced by a bullet. The same white man also shot the sister of Alwin in Cowarie (Kauri), because she had helped to kill a bullock.
If an epidemic spreads through the land, it is believed that the deity, in his wrath, is thereby [seeking to] punish the people. ngaiani karari Murani japa mindriji, Murali ngaianina karila wapaia muntjali we now from the deity in fear flee, deity us is punishing with sickness we are fleeing for fear of the deity, for he is punishing us with [severe] sickness
The evening star, Ngamaturukuru by name, is, of course, the soul of a young girl.
Everything conceivable, as having originated from the "deity", is named in this way, e.g. mita Murala the earth is of divine origin Reuther: "Gottheitaner" [because it is attributable to the deity]; so also are the sky and all trees and plants which may be of little benefit [to mankind], but which were growing on the earth before the existence of the muramura. The muramura are designated as 'belonging to the deity'. Man is of divine origin, Reuther: "Gottheitaner". inasmuch as his soul (being the property of the deity) ascends upwards. His body, however, as far as its [various] limbs are concerned, was first developed by the muramura. Its formation is therefore muramurala. Yet the body [itself], in its entirety, is Murala.
This is a generic term, for there are many of them. According to its verbal meaning, the word signifies 'demi-god'. Reuther: "Untergott". Just as the kapakapara local headman; ringleader of a group Reuther: "Unterhauptmann" 'semi-chieftain'. is subject to the kapara, so the muramura [is subject] to the Mura. Fundamentally speaking, a muramura is a one-time human being, upon whom divine honours were later bestowed. He is the tribal or primeval ancestor of a part of the human race. (1) Their origin. Each individual muramura originated in the earth from a daka clod of earth;, and each of them emerged from the earth at a particular spot. At the time of their emergence out of the earth, each muramura was already adorned with the ceremonial decorations Reuther: "Gottheitaner" that are still worn today at the [various] religious festivals (corroborees), for without ceremonial decoration no one may approach the deity. According to whichever individual mura Reuther: "Untergott" is being performed, the correspondingly relevant decorations are worn also. Hence the various coloured markings on the body at corroborees, and the completely different [forms of] decoration. The muramura wore these coloured markings and ceremonial decorations continuously, because in the course of their wanderings they had associations with the Mura time and again. Each of the muramura concerned appears from the outset as being married and having servants who accompanied him on his wanderings. Each of them also provided for the children who were later to be born to him. [Likewise he provided] for his wives, some of them, of course, had more than one wife, and for his servants or followers (mili). (The word mili could also be used for slave Reuther: "Goetterschmuck" ). In every situation of life the muramura addressed himself to the Mura Apparently in error, Reuther wrote muramura. by means of the totemic songs (wima), and in most instances also received the object of his request immediately. Most times a heathen man comes across their bodies in petrified form; on these (stones) he then bestows divine honours. Whilst facing in their direction and going through various movements with his hands, he performs his ceremonial song. The Mura stands guard over these stones and trees of the muramura This sentence appears as a marginal note. and imposes punishment if they are damaged [or disfigured in any way]. The souls of the deceased muramura rose heavenward at Palkarakarani, and [today] many of them shine resplendently in the vault of heaven as stars in the constellations. Even the sun and moon are the souls of one-time muramura. In numerous instances the footprints of muramura, who wandered about once upon a time, are still shown today. For example, where one of them [is said to have] trodden, there a tree has sprung up which is [now] held in deep reverence. Reuther: "goettlich verehrt" In the same way, hands and feet imprinted in stone are pointed out. Places where they once camped appear as different formations on the surface of the ground, for example, as a depression in a sandhill, as a lake, or as a level plain, etc. "Line of descent of the muramura". Each individual native knows his tribal ancestor Reuther: "Stammvater". or muramura, who, together with the [relevant] legends, is passed on from the father to his children. [However,] one's totem Reuther: "das Geschlecht". Cf. Vol. XI, original pp.8A and 9"/>. is transmitted from one's mother. The [ancestral] legend is the first thing that a heathen father specially likes to relate to his son, and, of course, just as faithfully, word for word, as his father related it to him. This is done often and repeatedly, until the son has [thoroughly] assimilated it. To the legend belong also the ceremonial songs, which are accurately impressed upon the memory, so accurately [in fact], that even in the tonal modulations no mistake is allowed to occur. Nobody can, nor is allowed to fall out of the line of descent of his muramura, in order to transfer to another muramura. Notwithstanding, a heathen man gains in prestige, if he has learnt a great many legends as well as the ceremonial songs of other muramura. All people, therefore, who are descended from the followers or adherents of the one-time muramura, or from their children, are included in the ancestral line of their respective muramura, and are born into it. For example, the children of Levi would venerate and worship Levi as their muramura.
The present-day tribal boundaries are attributable to the muramura. The [particular] territory, wherein the muramura originated and in which he travelled about with his people, belonged to him and to his descendants for an eternal possession. For the most part, the muramura defined his tribal territory, respectively [fixed] his tribe's boundaries, by referring to a mountain range or a chain of hills. Within this area only he and his people had and have the right to hunt, to fish, to gather seed, to live and to work. These tribal boundaries still apply today, and any native person born therein calls it ngandrimarduka, i.e. [his] 'motherland' or else mita kamaneli, i.e. 'friends' country' or [his] native land.
If several muramura originated within the one tribal area (which was mostly the case), they generally spoke one and the same dialect. That is the reason why they combined to form one tribe. So much is certain, that the first muramura to set foot in a country destined it to become the dwelling-place of his descendants. When two of them settled down too close to each other, arguments regarding the tribal boundaries arose already in those days. In general, [however], they lived together and alongside of each other in peace. The various dialects originated from the muramura. In their different tribal areas the various muramura conversed with their people in their own dialects, which they already brought with them out of the earth. Thus it comes about that each tribe speaks a dialect peculiar to itself. If, [perchance], a muramura ventured into the tribal territory of his neighbour, and met up with him or his people, he had the ability to converse immediately in their dialect. Just as each muramura in days of yore expressed himself in his [own] turn of phrase, so each respective language developed (was formed) accordingly.
Names originated from the muramura. (a) Muramura names. Every primeval ancestor Reuther: "Urvater". who [once] originated out of the earth and has given rise to a legend, is a muramura, i.e. he belongs to the Mura. Basically, this word indicates nothing more than that these [beings] originated at the command of the Mura, respectively, were created. It signifies that a muramura is part of the deity or Mura, just as a kapakapara or local headman is appointed only by a kapara and carries out his orders, or as a mitamita is a particular piece of mita or earth, or as kantakanta is a [definite] species of plant from among kanta, that is, from among plants in general. Reuther: "Grasart". It should be noted, however, that grass (kanta) is used by the author as a generic term for all types of herbage and greenery. Every muramura has a distinctive surname, like muramura Darana. Darana signifies desert, drought, or dry spell. The meaning is, therefore: 'primeval ancestor of the drought', because he lived during the era of a great drought, and begged for rain. (See the names of the muramura) (b) People's names. Originally, there existed only the muramura or the tribal ancestors. Their "people" were called mili servants, followers. The present-day designation for man, kana, is of more recent (later) origin and means black man. The personal names of the female sex are permanent from childhood, unless, perhaps, a woman with the same or a similar name dies, but this seldom happens. These [names], ending in -ni or -nu, distinguish the sex. Members of the male sex change their names at the time of circumcision. (See tala). These [names] terminate mainly in -lina, as derived from nulia he, or simply in -na, as derived from nau he. Every person's name is adapted with reference to his/her muramura. [Let us suppose,] for example, that a muramura climbed a tree; he then accomplished this feat by katina to climb. Should this word now become a personal name, one would say Katilina for the male sex 'he who climbed the tree', or Katini for the female sex 'she who climbed the tree', and so forth. (c) Place-names. The muramura gave each place its name, whether because of some event that took place there during the course of his wanderings, or because of some plant or tree, etc. which he found growing there, or for some other reason. (See place-names). (d) Names of birds, animals, and fish, etc. These [names] the muramura gave with reference to [each creature's] natural characteristics, e.g. plumage, type of leaf, appearance, and so on. The native refers each individual word of his language back to a [certain] muramura. In this sentence Reuther omitted the verb, so I have supplied "zurueckweisen" as the missing word, i.e. "der Schwarze weist...auf einen Muramura zurueck". The muramura Darana named the rain talara, and so it is still known [by that name] today. Another dug a soakage-well and called the act of digging bakuna so also today, etc.
The partial formation of the earth's surface, together with its [scenic] decoration, Reuther: "Ausschmueckung". is attributed to the muramura. The earth was [already] in existence when the muramura came forth, but it was very imperfect and only sparsely covered with bushes which were of no [nutritious] value to mankind. The sky, too, was bare. Lakes, streams, trees, hills, mountain ranges, and all edible plants and herbs (known as muramurala) came into being either through the wanderings, camping-places, or invocatory songs (prayers) of the muramura. Also the rain. The sun, the moon, and the most prominent stars are the souls of the muramura [while] the smaller stars are the souls of their mili..
The so-called corroborees are the [ritual] re-enactments Reuther: "Nachformungen" of the muramura and their legends. The term used is: 'to stage [or perform] a mura'. This last sentence is inserted as a marginal note. Each individual muramura had set himself the task of asking the Mura for a share in providing mankind [with food]: emus, fish, rain, seed, and so forth. If a man wishes to perform a ceremony for [the increase of] emus (which happens every year just prior to the breeding season), he wears the same decorations as those once worn by the [relevant] muramura. He is painted with the same colours [or symbolic designs]; he sings the same ceremonial songs, and attempts to repeat the same [acts], just as the muramura once did these things. That is the origin of the various ceremonies, the various decorations, and the different [forms] of make-up Reuther: "Anstreichen mit Farbe". at the present-day corroborees. It implies an immeasurable lack of knowledge and a false conception of things - to which even some Mission personnel unfortunately subscribe - [to believe] that many muramura were animalized, i.e. turned into animals. No! The muramura remains a human being, although he appears in the legend in the attributes, nature and manner of the particular animal on whose behalf he directs his invocatory song to the deity. He has wings, lays eggs, or, as a crocodile, smashes out his eyes with his tail, digs himself a hole [in the ground] like a lizard, or lives in the water, etc., precisely as when a world traveller, under the symbolism of a "migratory rat", publishes his travel experiences in book form, like a Russian professor has done. The reference here is obviously to Professor Yaschenko who visited the Killalpaninna Mission 27 July - 6 August 1903. The legend presents the muramura under the guise of a certain animal. In the process, extraordinary things often become interwoven, as happens in the case of all mystic pagan legends Reuther: "Goettergeschichten" (Compare, for example, the mountain goblins Reuther: "Winkelmaenner" and other obscure beings of the Germanic pagans). The entire form and style of heathen worship and of everyday civil life bears the imprint of the muramura. Everything that a muramura has done is permissible in present-day heathendom: even a form of prostitution which I would not care to describe, something that should be possible only amongst heathens, but which nevertheless has its likeness in the [big] cities of Christendom, purifications, blood-revenge, circumcision, marriage, family life, strangulations, the collecting of tobacco and ochre, the pounding of seed, and burial. In fact, the whole style of thinking of the local pagans finds its prototype Reuther wrote "Abbild" 'copy, likeness'; however, I presume he meant "Vorbild 'example'. in the muramura.
The muramura are [as follows]:.
[His invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of goannas.
[His invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of carpet-snakes (woma).
[His invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of turkeys. On this occasion the people are taught how to build wurleys, and how to decorate (paint) their bodies etc., as he [once] did.
Jauraworka with outstanding markings painted on the body.
The invocatory songs [of this muramura] are sung for [the increase of] fish.
[This muramura] had his origin at Dakarawitjina. Here, even to this day, while his invocatory songs are being sung for the increase of emu eggs, [the performers] probe around with little sticks.
His invocatory songs are sung for [the increase of] kapukapu.
one who wears a tall head-decoration. Her invocatory songs are sung for the increase of [edible] seeds.
Her invocatory songs are sung for [the sending down of] the floodwaters.
The invocatory songs for the increase of this animal are sung at the instigation of [the muramura]. They are [now] obsolete.
Her invocatory songs are sung for [the increase of] birds' eggs.
His invocatory songs are sung for the increase of [wild] turkeys. cf. the legend.
[Her invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of [edible] seeds.
[His invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of emus.
[His invocatory songs are sung] for the increase of opossums. For the chanting of invocatory [or totemic] songs a man must be smeared with fat and red ochre. No unclean [or contaminated] person may sing a totemic song or attend a [sacred] ceremony.
things belonging to the tribal ancestors. Reuther: "Stammvateraner", a non-Dictionary word. In this category belongs everything that was not yet existent at the time of the muramura origin, but was first requested of the Mura through the invocatory songs of the muramura, such as the following: (1) watara wind; (2) kapiri type of goanna; (3) paja bird; (4) woma type of snake; (5) kajiri creek, watercourse (6) talara rain.
painted in ochre from the forehead down, over the nose, right to the chest. This mark is worn by the man who undertakes [the act of] circimcision. For this purpose a man is usually chosen, who is at variance with the youth's father. But after the circumcision on his son has been performed, the father becomes friendly towards him on account of it.
This takes place in connection with the wiljaru [ceremonies].
This is done, for example, when the first in-gathering of some seed variety is brought into camp. When this seed variety is ripe, two men go out, chanting invocatory songs and swinging a bundle of emu feathers, to 'sing' the seed. In the act of so doing, they name the localities by whose inhabitants the seed is [to be] gathered in. On the following day these two men take three others with them, who gather in some of the seed. Before this ceremony has been [performed], no woman is allowed to collect any seed. The wives of the two first-mentioned men clean the seed to the accompaniment of ceremonial chanting, and pound it small. The two singers receive the first of this pounded seed to eat out of the dish. This done, they grind several dishfuls on their own until well into the night. Next morning all the people who are present are called together, [so that] this firstfruit of the season may be served up to them. Whilst songs of praise are being chanted (munatarana) by the two men already mentioned, this seed-pulp is consumed. [Already] on the same day, after the festal meal is over, the women (on whom this duty henceforth devolves) begin the task of gathering in the seed.
[a species] by means of invocatory songs, e.g. seed, so that everywhere it may grow and increase.
e.g. the feathers that have been stuck on [to one's body] for a sacred ceremony.
When these leaves are green, they are broiled Reuther: "gebrueht", respectively "bruehen". (or cooked) on the ashes and eaten. Flax is obtained from the withered stem. The seed [from this bush] is named wirlapiri. Reuther inadvertently wrote widlapiri; however, the spelling of the word in No. 1570 cf. also No. 2839-15 is taken as correct.
If the stems are plucked when green and [allowed to] dry out, they can be eaten after first being bruised and pounded with a stone.
First the pods are gathered and cooked on the ashes; thereupon they are dried in the sun, so that they burst open. The seeds can then be picked out and ground [for food].
by way of the invocatory songs to the deity.
This occurs when a person grabs the beard of an agitated man in his one hand, and strokes him down over the chest with the other. This means to imply: you are already a strong, vigorous man, for you have a beard; [but] do stop your fighting!.
The dead man is carried to his grave on the heads of two or three men. If the corpse appears heavy to those carrying it, he [cannot] be reconconciled to the living, i.e. he harbours hate towards them. But if it feels light in weight, he is reconciled to humankind.
If this pigeon rises swiftly into the air, then suddenly plunges earthwards, it is a sign that [the day] is going to get very hot. For a traveller [in the bush] to see several of these birds [together], it is a sure token that there is water in the neighbourhood. Let the traveller take note of this!.
The idea is that, in order to [attract] a flood, one must send gifts [to the folks] up the Cooper.
Both [birds] indicate that it is about to rain. To hear them is to be assured of this.
When a grave-mound caves in, this is a sure sign that the person buried demands greater expiation for his death. Thereby he wishes to say: I helped to kill few people or none [at all]; therefore I was innocent of the sorcery directed at me. najianau! nauja kutu ngarina warai, nari nauja muntatarana warai, ngaiana kulno morla nandrananto see! he hole has sunk down, deceased he on his behalf has stirred, we one more ought to kill see how the grave-mound has sunken down! the dead man has stirred, and on his behalf wants us to kill one more man
[This term is applied in the case] when no particular hunting area is assigned to [visiting] strangers, where they can stop over [for a while] kana tanakata mitamuntapata, wata tana mitapiri kulno wondrai, ngaiana ngamananto ja nganti nandrananto people they land misers, not they land-spot one show, we should sit and animals should kill these people are land misers, for they allocate to us no area of land where we could stop over and hunt In this respect neighbouring tribes come to each other's assistance. The tribal boundary may not be crossed over without permission. But, if conditions become dry within one tribal area, it is customary to offer one's tribal neighbours a section of country for hunting [purposes], or a lake on which to fish. Since the Salt Creek is flooded oftener than the Cooper, the [neighbours], i.e. the Wonkangurus, often invite [the Diaris] to visit them As a result, both these tribes are fairly inter-related.
The implication is: do they suppose that we can't offer them any fish?. It is considered a grave insult not to accept an invitation.
Again, it is considered a grave insult if one is not invited to [participate in] an initiation ceremony, because there are gifts involved. Each guest receives something to take back home. Friends of the young man have provided for him to [be able to] give a generous hand-out after the event (circumcision), because he will be praised for it, of course.
i.e. someone who buries a dead relative, but doesn't let others know that the person concerned has died.
A man who chews in secret faces the threat of death. One can notice it on his breath or on the wirra bush whose leaves have been burnt [in the fire], for [the ashes of these are mixed with the tobacco. For this reason a certain Dandidandina, whilst digging out a hole, buried Kujapatjina alive, for he had found the latter secretly chewing tobacco.
i.e. a man who declines to give into marriage the widow of his deceased brother.
symbols [of ochre] painted on the body.
made of animal-skin.
i.e. a person who is still smeared with gypsum due to mourning. kana nauja muru, kana ninaia ngulikira ngankanimai. nauja manieli bakana wirinanto man he contaminated, man him clean make, he with fat also shall enter in Reuther translates wirina with "hineingehen" 'to enter,' which it does mean). However, wirina is here used idiomatically, meaning to rub in with; to smear on. Cf. No. 3723-5, No. 3723-6. this man still wears the residue of gypsum from [his days of] mourning; clean him up, and smear him over with fat When a man is smeared with red ochre and fat, the period of mourning is ended.
a person still wearing lumps of gypsum-clay on his/her body from the time of mourning.
Whoever has come in contact with a dead person, and is consequently unclean, may not touch a millstone, for the millstone would not produce good seed-pulp. when someone has touched a dead body, he several times with his fingernails strokes the millstone on which some seed has been spread out, and chants an invocatory song [as he does so]. [Thereupon] he taps himself on the chest, and [proceeds to] grind away. If the stone does not grip well, then it is believed that the person concerned has not carried out the above ceremony [in every particular].
When the mindiri festival is over, at which the young men are initiated into the secret mysteries, the latter rub themselves over with red ochre. [Thereupon] the old men scratch over the top of this with their fingernails, as a sign that they have [both] seen, and been initiated into, the mysteries. marakanti muruwanau, jura karari matja milkila nail-marks scratch on, you now already wise scratch nail-marks on them, for they are now initiated
When flax-thread has been spun, it is stretched out, moistened, and frayed out (like sailors do).
This is likewise done, as in [3], when one has come into contact with a dead body. ngapajunga ninapara muruwau wolja, windrila jundru ninapara karakarala nganai waterbag this-one-there scratch soon, before you this-one-there touch will scratch-mark this waterbag of yours before you pick it up (touch it)
from an ochre lump (or cake).
This is a sign that there is going to be trouble.
These two stones are very highly revered, in that they are smeared with fat. If the fat is scraped off with the fingernails, the "deity" is provoked to anger, and there will be no more rain.
When one is out of water whilst travelling along in summer, it is customary to dig a hole in moist earth [somewhere] in the shade, in order to cover oneself over for [the rest of] the day, and then to continue one's journey at night.
This the blood-avengers do on their homeward journey; it is the sign that they have killed a man.
This is also the name given to a string thrown around the neck of a wiljaru. (See wiljaru).
[There now follow some further reflections on the nature of the soul]. (1A) As far as the local pagans are concerned, the soul is immortal. It leaves the body before the latter has died, and wanders southwards. Nhen the body has been buried, it turns to Palkarakarani, and there ascends in a spiral fashion up into the sky. The souls of the primeval ancestors are to be found in the canopy of heaven: such as the sun, the moon, prominent stars, and the constellations. On the other hand, it is believed that the souls of the dead will return again from the south, reincarnated as piripiri. Reuther wrote "piri" place, locality, space. However, the term for white man is piripiri. cf. No. 1634-22. A mother teaches her older children that their latest-born brother (or sister) was enthroned as a star in the sky and has now appeared on earth. (IIA) The soul is the reflection of one's physical shadow. If a man is standing at the water's edge, while the sun is low in the east or in the west, the body [will] cast its shadow across the water. The shade of [this] shadow, or the reflection in the water, also on the ground - of this shadowy image is the soul. One thinks of it as a reflexive shadowy image of the body, with eyes, mouth, ears, nose, etc., only it is warlu spiritual; incorporeal, Reuther: "geistig". i.e. intangible. (IIIA). The [soul] has [certain] powers or faculties in common with the body, in as much as it [can] see, hear, and take fright, etc., yet in such a way that it can wander outside the body in sickness and in dreams. (IV[A]) The [soul] cannot endure physical suffering and pain, least of all death, notwithstanding its [ability], on the other hand, to sense and feel. (V[A]) The [soul] is not confined to the rest [and repose] of the body by night. While the body is resting, it [i.e. the soul] is awake. Either it wanders about (during a dream) while the body is asleep, or it guards the body as its dwelling-place. [Common usages of the word are] the following.
It is believed that a friendly meeting up with a soul is an omen, that there will soon be a fight.
This usually happens when it is planned to carry out a raid. One compares the men in one's own group with those who are likely Reuther wrote "allenfalls" 'if the worst comes to the worst', but the context suggests he will have meant "jedenfalls" 'probably, in all likelihood' to form the opposition.
The point is, people believe that if the children's shadow (the reflexion of their shadow) falls on the seed that has been gathered in, it will disappear. This sentence bears reference to the women, when they are out with their children, harvesting seed.
It is commonly believed, of course, that when fish in the water see a man I reflection (soul) they disappear, so that no more will enter the net.
'Man' signifying 'soul' is a figure of speech. The patient lies there in a state of unconsciousness, because the soul has already left [the body].
If the souls of the children see the food [prepared] for the older people, the latter's [appetites] will not be satisfied, because the children's hunger (desire) helps to dispose of it. For this reason children are hunted away, especially when father is eating, so that they do not spoil his appetite by their shouting.
'Soul' appears in this instance for 'spirit' or 'ghost. Since the soul wanders about outside of the body during the night, a wandering soul could have scared the two people [referred to above]. On the other hand, the sentence can also mean: 'what sort of a spirit (premonition) has scared you? let us rather go away from here, for there is something bad in store for us'.
In this instance we are confronted with a person who has suddenly and unforseeably taken ill, and whom some folks are already lamenting as being dead (by wailing). Comfort, however, lies in the fact that his soul is said to be still in him, consequently he is not about to die. Had the body at first been sick, there would have existed the possibility that the soul had already migrated, and that the body would die as a result. But so long as the soul is in the body, the person is in all probability [still] healthy. Illnesses are merely the result of the soul's absence. When a body is cast under a magic spell, the soul migrates as the illness gradually increases its hold. If, upon examining a patient, the medicine-man finds that the soul has [already] departed, he goes out at night looking for it. If he finds it, he carries it home in his hands and puts it back inside the body, whereupon the patient gets well again. If he doesn't find it, the body must die.
'Crows' is a figurative expression, borrowed from the local scene. Just as the crows in this country gather around a carcase - even around an animal that is exhausted and helpless - and sing out, so now the people stand wailing around my body.
Usually the witch-doctors offer this as a good [piece of] advice.
Since the soul cannot endure wailing, the 'native' does not speak to a sick man; only when the body is dead does the wailing begin. If, [on the other hand], the patient recovers so that he can peacefully sleep again, it is said: matja nauja mukala, mungara tikana warai already he a 'sleeper', soul has come back he is now sleeping more; his soul has come back, (therefore he will recover again)
Indeed, the body of a witch-doctor often lies sick for days on end. This stems from the fact that these [men] eat from a poisonous plant, which causes their eyes to bulge and their minds to become deranged.
piripiri also signifies 'transfigured, renewed'. When the first white men turned up from the south, it was firmly believed they were the souls of deceased persons. In the facial features of many of the 'whites' the 'native' people actually recognised a similarity with those of their dead [relatives]. Like a murdered man, the soul wanders from one place to another, to show itself to its relatives. It comes around particularly at night, while folks are seated at the fireside, and touches [one of the] relatives concerned. This happens, inasmuch as the relative is seized by the feeling as though he had been struck by some supernatural Reuther: "geisterhaft. power, for a strange and secret dread of ghosts has [suddenly] overwhelmed him. Since the witch-doctor sees only the outline of a soul, he leaves the camp immediately on being informed, and searches around for it. If he finds it, he recognises at once whose soul it is, for it bears the perfect image of its body. Spots on it, which particularly shine, indicate the place where the body has been pierced through by spears. Though it [i.e. the soul] soon disappears, the people know that here or there this or that person has been murdered. In the contrary case, the soul of a murdered man also shows itself to his relatives in a dream. One can then rest assured that news [of the event] will soon come to hand. If a troop of blood-avengers is on the trail, and the soul (or image) of the man to be murdered appears in a dream to one of the participants, the whole troop returns home again, because these men believe they have now been exposed and seen. That is to say, the man concerned in this case has seen the blood-avengers.
If a man is out of his mind, a frequent circumstance among the Aborigines, and he wanders about deprived of his senses, it is believed that he is searching for his soul. In a rage he beats against a tree or a bush, as though it were the devil, from whom he wants to wrest back his soul. If the man regains his senses, the devil has simply brought his soul back again. Such people are constantly troubled by the devil.
This is a [remark] made by someone who is halfway to water in the heat of summer, and is suffering from intense thirst. It is believed that the soul goes in advance of the thirsting body, and drinks its fill of water. This drinking on the part of the soul shall now serve for the benefit of the body also. If, after a hot day's journey without water, one feels a little refreshed towards evening, the above statement is applicable.
When a person is sleeping, the waking soul migrates from the body and wanders about in the air. All its adventures befall the body during its dreaming. ngapitja ngakani worita nganana warai tinkani, mungara ngakani worita wirarina worai mita tulani ja ngani ngarunarana warai mita tula najila dream mine far away was during the night, soul mine far wandered about I and in-strange, and I was amazed land strange to see I was far away in my dreams last night, for my soul wandered far distant into another country, and I was surprised to see that strange land This time the soul has wandered through strange country, and its [various] scenes have filled the body with amazement.
When the soul is absent from the body during sleep, and the body is suddenly awakened so that momentarily it [i.e. the body] does not know where it is, the danger exists that the latter will be sick. If a sleeper is woken up, this should not be done in a flurry of excitement. [The idea] is to place or hand over the sleeper's heart and to call him softly by name, so that it may have time to return to the body. mankali ninaia jiritjibai, wata mungara nunkani wokaribana slowly him waken, not soul his cut off waken him gently, so that his soul is not cut off .
If someone groans in his sleep during the night, it is believed that something has bumped into the soul during its nocturnal wanderings.
If this bird rises swiftly into the air during its morning flight, but then falls again steeply, this signifies that [the day] is going to get very hot. These [birds] are regarded as indicators of water. On spotting [several] murlapara and observing their direction of flight, one may assume with certainty that water is to be found in the neighbourhood. When there Is no water to be found anywhere and a small [soakage] waterhole is dug out, they will gather here in flocks to drink on a hot day. A brush wurley is built immediately alongside the waterhole, and in it a man [lies] concealed. When they settle clown, he quickly stretches out his hand and grabs one or two. Soon they are back again. [The 'natives'] are fond of eating them.
When the water is murky, some gypsum is thrown into it. Within several hours it is clear.
Because smaller waterholes dry out more quickly, it is customary to camp at the smaller ones first and later to transfer to the bigger ones, on account of the [native] game.
If a friend arrives [in camp] in the morning, whilst one is still asleep, one excuses himself with the above phrase, thereby certifying that at other times one is an early riser, but that the friend's [impending] arrival has caused this [long] sleep.
The number of logs (wadimoku) that are laid on a man's grave indicate how many [men] the deceased has helped to kill. As often as such a piece of wood is placed [on the grave-mound], the name of a murdered man is mentioned. If he has killed only a few men, or none at all, then the names of those whom his father killed are also mentioned. It is a distinctive honour for a man to have lots of wadimoku lying on his grave.
This is the name given to men who continually point the bone for [purposes of] sorcery.
person who has died of sorcery by way of bone-pointing.
act of being "sung" with a bone. ngani mokulalu patai, kanali ngana mokujeli dakaia I sorcery suffer, men me with a bone are bewitching my sickness stems from sorcery, for somebody has pointed the bone at me
This happens when a person keeps on thinking of the devil, when travelling along on one's own and feeling scared. kutjieli ngana nandrana warai, kulnulu wapanani paltuni devil me struck, alone whilst going on the way I was scared of the devil whilst travelling along on my own In such a situation the pagan sings his totemic song. Reuther: "Goettergebetsgesang".
This is done with a stick, in seclusion behind a bush, then emus are in the vicinity. The emus come forward out of curiosity, and are then [speared] to death by other men in hiding.
If someone has been buried without relatives having been able to be present, these pose on arrival as if they were angry. It is as though the ones who buried him had taken the deceased one away from them. The buriers now take a piece of string and with it strike the relatives, [whereupon] the latter are satisfied. This is tantamount to having beaten them with weapons and overpowered them.
When attempting to pacify an angry man, one grabs him [gently] by the beard in one hand, and with the flat part of the other hand slaps him on the chest. In this way, it is believed, his anger will subside.
This is done when a youth, about to be circumcised, comes into camp. Thereby it is indicated to him that he is to join the gathering with raised arms, as a sign that he is offering himself voluntarily for circumcision.
When a youth has been circumcised, several old women come along and tap him lightly on the hands, [to indicate] that he shall have nothing to do with women [folk].
. This is done likewise by the old women. The young man is to treat all people uprightly, and not cringe and crawl after women.
This is done by ramming uprights [into the ground], on which meat can be placed so that the dogs don't steal it.
when they fly to and fro, singing out. This is a sign, for example, that a person lies perished of thirst [near-by], or that the devil is on his way to snatch away a human soul.
Nobody may cross over a boundary to hunt or fish, without permission.
i.e. with damp soil after they have been pared.
to fill in the "depression" [i.e. floor] of a hut with sand after someone has died in it.
This happens in the following manner. [Let us assume] that, for some reason or another, enmity has arisen between the inhabitants of two camps; but the enmity is to be resolved. Both parties sit down in two semi-circles, opposite each other. In the centre of these two half-circles a hole is dug. Each man in turn is now asked whether he agrees that the enmity shall cease. Each person asked takes a handful of sand and throws it into the hole, thereby [signifying] that he is burying his words, as it were. If all do likewise, one of the senior men (the wadlietja peace-maker) steps forward and says: "Do you wish to forget everything and no longer carry on with the dispute?" All reply: "Yes". [Thereupon] he fills in the hole, and the dispute is settled. On the following day all go out hunting together, to indicate that there is peace in reality.
If lots of people congregate in the hut of a sick man, so that the air is thick, it is said: wata kana marapu mapaterianau nunkangu muntjani, mungarali nampaiati not people many gather yourselves together to him to the sick, the soul otherwise [will] bury don't so many of you congregate [around the patient] in the hut, lest the soul bury (the body). It is believed that if things become too congested for the soul it makes its escape; then, of course, the body dies.
The footprints of a deceased person are covered up, so that the wounds of sorrow over the memory or the dead are not torn open again.
This is done during a thunder storm. As spears are very smooth, it is believed they attract lightning; therefore alI spears are buried in the sand. Furthermore, a person never sits on the crest of a sandhill or on the top of a hill during a thunderstorm, but near its base (slope), so as not to be struck by lightning.
This is done when one man throws dust into the air in the presence of another. It is tantamount to meaning that he ought to die and be buried. This always gives rise to revenge and bloodshed.
So says the kapara local headman.
To cover oneself with earth. This is done when a person is travelling during the summer, without water. While he is resting in the middle of the day, he covers himself with [damp] earth right up to the neck, so that he remains cool.
or is guilty of death, because he does not observe the tribal rules. kananari naujata, nulu pirrapinta bulu ngarai death-man he, he law-tutors in vain hears he is worthy of death, because he does not pay attention to the tutors in tribal lore
If anyone throws dust in the air in the presence of another person, he thereby [expresses his] desire to bury that man (as it were), and is killed for doing so.
the enchantment [will] bring about his death.
This is a ceremonial song involving sorcery.
Such a person is not allowed to touch a dead body, for it is believed he would then have to die.
one who has a premonition that he is about to be killed, and who [therefore] has no more will to live.
The wonpa is a head-band. If this is put on and tied around [the head] it is an indication that somebody is going to be killed.
This is a decoration worn only during a vendetta.
This saying is applied to those who go out to kill someone, i.e. to avenge the death of one of their own [men], and thus kill somebody else in his place. ninaia nari ngaiana waltanimai, nauwa bakamorlarina Reuther (inadvertently): bakamorlaruna. him dead man we carry, he there similar type to become we are carrying death away [into another camp], by killing a man who [in many respects is similar to the deceased Most times only men of the same age are killed by the blood-avengers. (An eye for an eye).
When a sick man has a bad odour, this is calIed narikarlara and is regarded as an omen of death.
This is differently [constructed] than in the case of us [Europeans]. Where the head and the feet are intended to lie, holes are dug from the surface of the ground at both ends. When the usual depth has been reached, the intermediate wall which remains is breached at the bottom. Into one of these holes the dead body is handed down head first, and shoved through the hole breaching the intermediate wall. In this way it is not necessary to scoop out so much earth, something which is done with only a [wooden] dish.
This is an indication that the buried man is not satisfied with the vengeance which has been meted out on his behalf.
When there are so many fish in the net that one cannot take them all out at once, one first takes out some of these, laying them (nangana) on the bank, and then walks back into the water [for the rest].
When one has a dishful [of these] one empties them into a hole, so that they cannot crawl out. In the evening they are [then] scorched or roasted on the coals [to be eaten].
The custom is to knock two boomerangs together; this is supposed to dispel thunderstorms.
This happens when one calls out pih!.
It is believed that these could be witch-doctors in disguise, and so efforts are made to scare them away, since it is feared they might steal hearts and souls.
The widows do this, when they stay outside of their wurleys.
during special ceremonies.
A father places a child on to his shoulders and wades for some distance into deep water. Whilst chanting his totemic song he then beats the waves, so that they subside and do not tear the net. The waves are said not to want to swallow the child.
After the young men have been circumcised, the women slap them on their hands with a small stick, to indicate that they should not beat their future wives.
This is done to the relatives of a dead person who were not present at the burial, so that they should not start an argument [or a fight].
not to be confused with the first-born. All elder brothers are neji, all younger brothers ngatata. The oldest brother always has the right of guardianship over his other brothers and sisters; accordingly, he is most highly respected. In every situation of life his younger brothers and sisters turn to him. He acquires a wife for himself by offering his sister in marriage to another man, and in exchange receives his sister for a wife. He deals in the same way with his other brothers and sisters. If he hasn't enough sisters to offer in exchange for a wife on behalf of each of his brothers, he has to make some other arrangements. In these matters the neji is, as it were, his mother's executive counsel, for soon after the child's birth she, together with a woman from the opposite moiety, has decided on its marriage. If the mother dies, the elder brother assumes full powers of attorney. He protects his younger brothers and sisters, intercedes for them, and, if need be, avenges the death of a younger brother or of his father. However, he is embarrassed (ashamed) if his sister's marriage turns out a failure, and is obliged to care for her as a widow. The respective brothers call each other nejimara brothers in common; blood brothers. Reuther: "Brueder zusammen, bebruedert, verbruedert". These kinship terms are rather ambiguous; however, I believe that 'blood brothers' in this instance fits the case. In the same way [the members of] the two moieties, Reuther: "Geschlechtslinien" Materi and Kararu, call themselves nejimara tribal brothers, Reuther: "bebruedert". This also is not an accurate description of the relationship. The common term used is 'tribal brother'. i.e. one Materi man calls the other 'brother' because he is of the same moiety. So they are blood relatives, as it were. From this it follows that no one in the Materi moiety can marry another Materi [person]. The same applies in the case of the Kararu. Since in pagan circles such a marriage is regarded as incestuous and draws strangulation in its wake, even at the Mission these two moieties have not yet vanished. Nejijai! (elder brother) is the form of address when speaking in public. Thereby people are respected. Even in ordinary, everyday life one likes to say neji to an older man, although it is desirable to hear pirnaru (honourable, prestigious, old man). Even the particular animal, whose [totemic] name one bears within the moiety, is called one's neji. (cf. pintara). cf. No. 2788, No. 317-16. Winter is [also] called neji because it is a more refreshing season for the native people. They are enabled to walk, hunt, and travel about more. In the same way everything that revives, refreshes and gratifies, etc. is called neji. The index finger is a neji; it is the first-born of the [hand's] 'mother,' Reuther inadvertently wrote "Vater" 'father'. However, the thumb is the 'mother-finger' cf. marangandri No. 1133. because it is next to the thumb ('mother of the hand') Reuther inadvertently wrote "Vater" (father). However, the thumb is the 'mother-finger' (cf. marangandri Entry 1133. and is the longest [finger]. The other three fingers are ngatata. The big toe on the foot is the ngandri mother), while the other toes are her 'daughters'.
If blood is drawn from an arm through the opening of a vein, efforts are made to check the flow of blood by firmly tying a string around the upper arm.
Word is passed around that no more articles of trade are to come in or go out.
to hinder someone from going further, thus forcing him to return. When certain people are unwelcome, but are known to be already on the way [for a visit], a messenger is sent out to meet them eventually, and tell them (hypocritically) that no rain has fallen [in these parts] for a long time; consequently there is little to eat, and it will be impossible to wait on them in accordance with custom. Since the latter depend on hospitality, they stay [where they are], so as not to cause the [local] people any embarrassment.
This often happens, when it is secretly planned to take a man's life.
These hairs are rubbed off on hard ground and twisted together to [form] string for pubic coverings.
This is done prior to a sacred ceremony. Reuther: "Goetterfeierlichkeit".
In most instances the elder brother (neji) attends to this, unless the mother has already made provision for it. A man (brother) receives the sister of another man in the opposite moiety, and in exchange gives his sister to her brother. In this way both he and she receive a marriage partner.
A man's duty to his wife is: (a) turu waltana to carry firewood; (b) katu nandrana to (cut down and) erect a windbreak; (c) ngura bakuna to dig out a camping-spot, and clear it of [all] undergrowth; (d) tepi kulkana to guard and preserve life; (e) nganti nandrijirbana to kill game, to provide meat; (f) punga wotijirbana to build her a wurley; Reuther: "Geschlechtsreihe". (g) paja kampijirbana to hunt and kill birds for her; (h) palto kuribana to tread out a track for her, to walk on ahead in the course of their travels; (i) paru kalkibana to select fish for her; (j) kupa kanku kiri ngankana to instruct and train male children; (k) mura warabijirbana to rehearse and relate mura legends to his sons; (l) kirra dakibana to make boomerangs for youngsters; (m) to weave nets.
Women's jobs are: (a) paua nandrana to gather [edible] seed; (b) jaua wilkana to dig up small [wild] onions; (c) ngapa mandrana to carry water; (d) ngardu pitana to pound ngardu seed; (e) mankara kiri ngankana to instruct and train girls; (f) jindriwima wonkana to perform wailing songs. Reuther: "Weinengebetsgesang auffuehren". This is [a rhythmic form of] loud crying and wailing, after the style of a song; (g) kumana to perform a type of dance; (h) narini ja wimani kumana to perform this type of dance when death has taken place, or during the ceremonial songs; (i) mangawaru kiri ngankana to instruct widows as to how they are to conduct themselves; (j) palara wapana to go forth as mediators between two warring factions; (k) kupa najinajibana to watch and supervise children.
A strange phenomenon here comes to light. Another woman allows such a child to suck at her breast, whereby she is said gradually to acquire [a capacity for] milk, so that [this] woman who has not given suck to a child for years now receives milk for a new-born child. Elisha sucked at his grandmother's breast, because his own mother had died.
If at all possible, children are suckled until they reach the age of three or four years.
This (Ngamaturukuru) is the name given to the evening star.
This is an indication that real marriage is now befitting [or expedient]. Alas, the tenderest bond of a God-pleasing marriage has been perverted by the devil in heathendom (unfortunately even in Christendom) through sinful, carnal sensuality. Well for us that we, as the bride, have an eternal Bridegroom! Words here are inadequate to [describe] the tenderest love of eternity.
This is done by chanting invocatory songs while on a journey, so that one is enabled to travel further.
the name by which players call themselves on each side, when competing against another team.
all the menfolk who are gathered together at a sacred ceremony, as distinct from the women.
all the menfolk who assist one another during a fight.
i.e. to repeat to "the deity" the invocatory songs of the muramura on behalf of rain.
i.e. (as in No.4) to work on "the deity" with the [appropriate] ritual of the muramura, on behalf of emus, to go on an emu-hunt; to chase emus.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
as in Nos. 4 and 5; also to dig up wild onions, clean and roast them, or rub off the peel.
as in Nos. 4 and 5.
to perform the rituals Reuther: "die Formen". and totemic songs at the sacred ceremonies, Reuther: "Goetterfeierlichkeiten" like the muramura performed them once upon a time, in order to acquire for the preservation of physical life something that was not yet in existence. In this connection it is also customary to say: ninaka mura this ceremony Reuther: "diesen Gott" 'this deity'). i.e. to perform, in the presence of the deity, the ritual of the particular muramura concerned, in order to acquire something or another which is needed for this temporal life.
When a man, conscious of whiling away his [last] days in the presence of his fellow-tribesmen, felt too cowardly to escape death by running away, he decorated himself during the day in his own peculiar ceremonial attire, in order to be able to face death at the hand of [his] killers. Such men are called japa nguru fear strong, i.e. fearless, or burkanguru remorse strong (remorseless); they subdue the accusations of conscience and do not shrink from death. A death like that is regarded as a heroic one.
These are made of hair from animal skins, and are woven into strands. They are worn less by women than by men. S. Gason (in The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe) spells the word unpa and describes it as "a bunch of tassels, made from the fur of rats and wallaby, worn by the natives to cover their private parts. They are in length 6in. to 3ft. long, according to the age of the wearer".
This is done when the men are returning home from a vendetta.
Ngatata is also used to describe one's grandmother's country, in order to honour her. The country of one's mother's birth [is called] ngandri marduka mother's totem country, because one inherits his mother's totem mita kamaneli one's tribal country; country of one's birth
When an elder brother speaks of them. When he is in their presence he says: neji mara ( all brothers, i.e. elder brothers, collectively). This is a polite form of speech. Thereby all brothers are shown respect. By using ngatata they would be humiliated (belittled).
These are tied into bundles and used: (1) for chasing away flies; amd (2) for [purposes of] decoration.
For this reason folks do not walk around without a fire[-stick], for he shuns [the light].
This is said with regard to a person who has just died: kana matja ngantirina warai that person has already turned to flesh . A strange manner of speech!.
people tainted with [human] flesh, who have often helped to kill a man. See Dictionary No. 848 Since they are regarded as unclean after a killing [incident], they are not allowed to eat any fish, wade through water, go down into a [soakage-]well, touch any seed or a millstone or child, approach any woman, contact anything at all that is edible, or be caught out in the bush during a rainstorm, lest they be struck by lightning. First their hands must be rubbed in by other folk with whatever they [intend to] eat, e.g. fish-fat, and their bodies be first smeared with fat and red ochre. Note: There is no hint [or suggestion] here of ngantirina meaning to turn into an animal.
With it branches are pulled down and broken off.
This is the name given to [young] men who are already growing a beard, but are not yet circumcised. The beard is plucked out on the occasion of every mindiri festival, or when collecting ochre, or when a man's wife has died, or when a man has a premonition that he is about to be killed ("murdered").
The usual custom is to walk in Indian file on account of narrow tracks.
This is done when pure sand has been mixed with ashes, so that one is able to sleep on clean sand.
[This is done] even when camping out, since there are no ants present.
Children of both sexes inherit the mardu totem of their mother.
All people in common, who belong to one and the same mardu [totem], call themselves ngandri kulno of one mother. All male members of the same mardu call each other neji marra brothers, and those of the female sex are kaku marra sisters in common.
This is the sister of the child's mother, (and kaka the latter's brother).
place where one's mother was born and reared.
place where I myself was born and reared.
The sun is defined as ngandri, because she is kana jerto, that is, one who satisfies people.
child, father speaking. If the accent is placed on the 'u,' then the eldest son is meant; ngatamura, without the accent on the 'u,' denotes any child (male or female, father still speaking).
child, mother speaking.
by chanting a totemic song.
by the chanting an invocatory song.
by means of the invocatory songs of Darana.
This duty is imposed upon them during circumcision, because they are here being initiated into the [tribal] mysteries.
In this connection the women possess particular agility in rocking (swinging) the coolamon [to and fro].
During a dream the soul is considered to be active outside of the body, [so that] the things seen in a dream are nothing more than the activity of the soul while it is absent from the body.
But see what? Answer: the devil. It is believed in this case that, in the course of its nocturnal wanderings, the soul has come [too] near the devil and caught sight of him. The point is that during the night the devil is lying in wait for souls which are absent from their bodies.
When a man camps without water during the summer, and dreams [at night] that he is drinking water, it is assumed the soul has gone on ahead as far as the water [hole] and has satisfied its thirst. In such a case one feels revived next morning, until water is [eventually] reached and the [real] body has had a drink. Thus the 'drinking' of the soul is beneficial to the body as well.
If a man has had a dream and is still tired next morning because of it, it is believed that the soul received a shock and quickly and anxiously therefore ran back to the body; by so doing it has become very tired, and therefore the body is also tired next morning. If someone sleeps longer than usual in the morning, he is not wakened, for it is considered he may have had a 'tired dream'. At all events, a person is wakened [only] very gradually and gently, for his soul may have gone extremely far away, and consequently would not be able to get back at once. In such an event, if the person were wakened [too] suddenly, the body would die.
This time the soul has been far, far away and has seen a beautiful, though otherwise CHECK country. A man feels elated at this and relates the dream with [obvious] delight.
This time the soul, in the course of its nocturnal wandering, has become embroiled in an argument with other souls, or even with the devil. If, during that time, the dreamer has had anxious feelings, then the soul has [either] suffered defeat or has only just battled its way through. Consequently, the body is very tired next morning, so that the person lies longer [in bed], in order to recover, together with his soul.
If one man is afraid of another, entertaining fears that the latter may bewitch him, and it so transpires that he has an argument with him in a dream, this is a sure indication that the two souls have fallen foul of each other in the dream. The soul has seen the bewitching activities of the sorcerer by night. This man [therefore] gets quite ill and dies. During his illness his mind imagines all sorts of things; he also mentions the name of his sorcerer. The relatives take note of this, so that after the death of the bewitched man the alleged sorcerer falls victim to the blood-avengers.
If a sick man has had a dream, in which he saw his alleged sorcerer, then the sorcerer in question is killed (as we have seen in [7]).
[Supposing] someone gets sick. He knows that he has to die and also who bewitched him, but he would like to get well. The patient tells his friend to send his (i.e. the patient's) wife to fetch a magic bone. She goes. The men (people) in that camp know what this signifies, namely, that if they don't give her a bone, vengeance will be eked out on them. [Yet] they have the right to fornicate with the woman concerned. Since she is not allowed to see a [magic] bone, one is wrapped up and sent back with her. The friend accepts it, tells the patient, and casts the bone into some water, whereby it is rendered harmless. Joyfully the patient ponders the thought day and night that he is now going to recover. In a dream he sees the bone cast into the water, and convalesces.
In this case the dreamer did not have a clear vision of the dream. This was occasioned by the fact that the soul was being chased by the devil, so that it had to hurry; consequently it was not able to have a thorough look around.
If a person dreams that somebody here or [there] is sick or has died, it is assumed that the soul has visited the spot and seen it. Some definite news of the death is then awaited.
These have been sighted by the night-wandering soul. It is believed that [this soul] has met up with the souls [of the avengers] or [at least] with one of their number. In that event the blood-avenger troop turns back, for it knows that the soul in question has seen them, that is to say, its corresponding body has had this dream and therefore they can no longer lodge a secret attack. If there have been no dreams on either side, that is to say, if the night-wandering souls have not met each other, this is a sure indication that everything is [still shrouded] in secrecy.
a patient has had no dream, or, better: the soul of the patient has not seen the sorcerer of its body. Either the patient dies of his own accord (because of fornication), or the sorcerer has buried the death-bone in the ground. Were he to carry it around in his dilly-bag, the soul would have seen it, respectively would have dreamt about it. In this case an inquest will decide the issue.
If a night-wandering soul meets up with another soul - its body having died - which is now on its way to Palkarakarani, the [latter] may possibly sing to it a ceremonial song. The [body or person] concerned Reuther: "der betreffende", thus omitting the required noun. Implied is obviously "der Leib", for it is the body that dreams. The syntax here is weak, for the author then continues as though he has already referred to the person concerned. now dreams about this. Next morning he rehearses the song to himself and then teaches it to others.
The devil does this, while following the soul around.
These are the brothers of the child's father, i.e. his uncles.
to educate the young, to teach the legends, to fetch fish, to hunt game, to teach boys to handle weapons, to build wurleys, to manufacture weapons, to supervise tribal boundaries, etc.
If there are several patients in a camp, they are brought together into one hut, so that they can be jointly cared for.
When a young man is circumcised, he receives kurukurubani-jaura words of admonition and dauadauanijaura orders of restraint; taboo orders. Later on he receives ngujara (or ngujangujara because there are many) words of instruction, teaching, indoctrination. The pirrapintaetja Reuther: pirrapinta However, this word means the [tribal] laws themselves. Cf. No. 164-2. For "Gesetzeslehrer" Reuther normally uses the words pirrapintamara (No. 298-4; No. 311; No. 951-6; No. 1213-47, etc.) or pirrapintaetja cf. No. 302-3; No. 1366-1; No. 1450-1, etc. give these instructions, as to what shall or shall not be done. It is to be (specially) noted that only the pirrapintaetja or tutors [in matters] of [tribal] law impart these ngujara.
In this case the young men are gathered together outside of the camp, away from the women. The instructor in the [tribal] laws stands, while the young men sit down. Now are recited all the punishments that will be meted out or that await [the culprit], in the event of any [tribal] misdemeanour. Reuther: "Vorkommnis".
ritual forms and ceremonies. Reuther: "die Gebetsgesaenge und die Legende". These imply the ceremonial songs and ritual ceremonies in the way they were performed by the [supernatural] ancestors Reuther: "Vorvaeter". By this the author means the muramura. over against the deity, and how these are to continue to be performed henceforth.
in addition to the ritual (ceremonies) that are to be performed in conjunction therewith. Basically, the phrase means: 'instruction in the ritual forms Reuther: "Goetterlehre". and ceremonies', i.e. muraia ngujara.
Thus also in reference to the wind, weather, emus, health, in fact, everything that involves the sustenance of body and life. Here a father gives instruction and teaching to his son, depending on which muramura he designates as his own.
During the summer various trees and bushes exude gum, which is gathered up and eaten as a delicacy. Either it is chewed Reuther: "geschnullt" (from schnullen). This is not a Dictionary word, but an expression peculiar to Reuther, which he uses only in this context cf. Dictionary No. 229-7, 229-8; No. 3148-12, etc. like sugar, or it is softened in a bowl of water and enjoyed as a sort of jam. Various kinds of tree resin are the following.
The bulbs of this lily are pounded together with dry leaves and a kaltjantara lizard), mixed with tudna gypsum, put into a dish and placed into water. Invocatory songs for rain are then chanted, in order that the rain may soon set in.
After being rubbed in with fat, it is placed into moist earth, and weighted down.
It is likewise rubbed in with fat, and strutted on the inner side with [short] sticks.
When a child begins to walk, the mother (while clicking her tongue) Reuther: "unter Schnalzlauten". strokes the [child's] arms, legs, and body, so that it may grow into an attractive child, that is to say, that it may not develop fat arms, legs and stomach, but, in short, grow into a slim child.
'to lengthen a grave-mound'. If this were not done, the relatives could think that the corpse is lying huddled up in the grave. Thereby the dead man would not have received his due rights, and the relatives would be insulted.
In order that children may develop well and grow strong, a festive meal on their behalf is often given by the father, at which the father's mura is sung.
This takes place when a circumcised young man is taken along on a nomadic journey or on a vendetta for the first time.
In this case the rainclouds are enchanted, so that they will yield more rain.
In this case the flood[waters] are enchanted, so that they proceed further [downstream].
In this instance, for example, one tells a friend (who is hostile towards someone) that one is angry with him, [too], in order that, should he desire to harm ]his opponent], he is not led to believe that one will take his part.
e.g. to cause seed to ripen by singing the invocatory song.
This is a strange phenomenon in the life of a pagan, since to him, of course, life means everything. Indeed, a pagan loses all desire to live, when his conscience (ngarangara heart tells him that he is soon going to be killed; or when his elder brother, wife, child or friend dies. It has happened that men have severed the sinews in the hollow of their knees with a stone knife, [indeed,] even their arteries (in suicide).
This is brought about by means of a special invocatory song.
When someone in a rage wants to lash out, but is held fast so that he cannot, his boiling blood is made to congeal, i.e. to cool off.
This tuft of feathers informs [certain] men that they may come and fetch young girls to marry. Prevously the [others] have fetched their wives from hence.
Neither these people, nor a woman in childbed are permitted to fetch water, lest it become brackish.
Among the Aborigines this is a very serious word. Anyone to whom it is applied may be assured of being strangled. It can be applied to girls, women, youths and men. For this reason the instructors in [tribal] law teach: jura parlakantji ngamanani, jurangu kalala nari you sensualists if sitting [down], to you reward death if you lead sensual lives, you will be killed by way of strangulation A man applies this term only in the most extreme cases. Some individual offences in this connection are judged more leniently. Nevertheless, the horribleness of heathendom here comes to light.
When a man hears the kuriwiliwilinga bird [calling], he quickly grabs his beard, for he believes that the call of this bird will cause his beard to grow backwards [inwards].
When a girl hears the kuriwiliwilinga bird [calling], she catches hold of her breasts, otherwise they would cease to grow.
from which a little [flesh] is eaten.
When lots of people are dying in camp, the local witchdoctor is [said to be] milki pani blindeyed.
woven of flax and used during the pounding of seed, so that [none of] the seed is wasted.
by virtue of an invocatory song.
the footprints of the muramura, [for] wherever these trod there a tree sprang up (grew).
out of clods of earth.
son-in-law speaking. A daughter-in-law calls her mother-in-law as well as the latter's brothers and sisters kalari.
Here boomerangs are inserted. between the hair-belt and the skin. [The term has now been borrowed to mean] pocket].
by means of an invocatory song.
i.e. when a bird indicates by its call that someone has died somewhere.
Nets are set up [to ensnare these animals].
The devil [is believed to] come from the south and west.
path along which souls [of the deceased] travel to Palkarakarani, and where they ascend or climb up [into the sky].
This is an extinct animal, [and is] claimed to have eaten people. Only by means of large fires was it kept away from the camp at night. If one carried a firestick. it would not venture too close. The older natives lived [sufficiently long ago] to have seen this animal. A certain Kirkina once slew the young offspring [of this species], and barely escaped with his life.
This is an honorary title applied to grey[bearded] men, just as widlapirna is to women. With this word one describes an old man whom one never saw in one's childhood.
with which waters are enchanted.
In dry seasons animals are lean, so that there is no [or little] meat to eat. There are no seeds and "grass" types either. Therefore, the following types of seed (which are very hard and require to be pounded) are gathered, viz: ngardu, kalju, kalumba, and malkatandra. Consequently everybody is pounding [seed] at a time like this. Hence the name.
When children crack kalju seeds between their teeth, and long for seed [varieties] associated with periods of drought, this is believed to indicate an [approaching] dry season. Therefore, they are forbidden to do it.
When a man eats in feverish haste, it is believed that a period of drought is approaching and that a man must therefore eat up beforehand, as it were.
Drought and rainless seasons often gave cause for tribes to be thrust together, and for those who were [formerly] hostile to each other to become more friendly. There is a saying: 'a dry spell descends and settles on the ground'. Lake Hope and the Salt Creek offered the chief places of refuge in dry seasons. Since the people subsisted merely on ngardu seed, they mostly became very emaciated. The sacred festivals, too, were suspended at such times.
A native man by the name of Titatitana once killed his [little] daughter during a dry spell, because she was continually crying for something to eat, and he had nothing to give her. He led her out into the sandhills and killed her. Generally, many children were put to death during times like that. Lazarus relates that his mother wanted to kill him, because she had no more milk. [However,] Kanjaworduna heard this, [and so] she allowed the lad to suck at her withered breasts until she had milk; in this way she saved his life.
This applies to everything that is involved in a trade of exchange.
with men gradually assembling for this purpose.
People often claim to hear a dull roar in the distance. Thereby, it is believed, a piece of the earth's crust is sliding into the abyss. One imagines an un-fathomable abyss surrounding the earth, into which sections of this terrestrial sphere roll [down]. [It is also thought that] the devil rides forth on the dark storm-clouds. Every time there is [a flash of] lightning, he strikes down to kill [another] human being; these are known as kutjila people belonging to the devil. Reuther: "Teufelaner". During a thunder-storm, [therefore], people set up wurleys on the other side of a sandhill, so that they cannot be seen by the devil as he rides along on the dark clouds. Should someone be on a walkabout [during a thunderstorm], he places a bush above his head and rubs himself [all over] with earth, so that the devil thinks it is only a bush on the ground. Weapons are buried in the ground, because lightning has often [been known to] strike (graze) polished spears. It is believed that, since spears are instruments of blood-[shed], the devil tries to destroy them. Efforts are made to dispel a severe thunderstorm by singing a mura song and beating time with boomerangs. The witchdoctor keeps his eye on the storm. If he detects that the devil Reuther (literally): "Geist" (spirit). is present, he tells the people to conduct themselves calmly and quietly inside their wurleys; and especially widows, mourners, and those who have just returned from a vendetta (killing) not to venture forth outside their wurleys, lest the devil see them and strike them down.
After circumcision the [foreskin] is dried, mixed with dry leaves and small lily-bulbs, then pounded, and used for the petitioning of rain.
When two brothers exchange their [respective] sisters in marriage to each other.
If a man has died as the result of sorcery, but it is not known who bewitched him, a distant group of blood- avengers is hired and arrangements made for them to kill someone in the camp of the deceased. These two dead men now enter into a common bond. [Thus] the sorcery is atoned for.
When two [eligible] young people bury someone, plans have already been made that, whilst the two young folk are bedding the body down in the grave, they are proclaimed husband and wife.
When conciliation has not yet been effected over a man who was bewitched.
When a man has been killed on either side, the two hostile parties meet, and after binding two small sticks (representing the two dead men) together with hair-string, they burn these. The two dead men are now jointly atoned for, and peace [once more] prevails.
Wood chips from the manufacture and preparation of wooden weapons.
e.g., when a man has not yet offered his own sister in marriage [to his brother-in-law] in exchange for his [own] wife.
By pintara is meant everything that a person holds most precious and dear. My pintara is:.
This refers to the particular muramura (demi-god) whom I regard as (call) my own. Everything that he has done or that has any reference to him is my pintara. Each and every snake that he requested, the rain [or] any animal that he as the first [living inhabitant] (progenitor) Reuther: "als Ersterer (der Vorvater)". discovered for food is my pintara, on the condition that I respect him as my [primeval] ancestor, Reuther: "Urvater". as well as his sacred ceremonies and songs, etc. Since a man from the Materi moiety may marry only into the Kararu moiety, and vice versa, a man calls the moiety from which he has acquired his wife his pintara, e.g. as a Kararu [man] I have acquired my wife from the 'fish' totemic [group], Reuther: "Geschlecht". belonging to the Materi [moiety]; therefore the fish are my pintara. For this reason I would never help to kill a man who belongs to the fish totem, for by so doing I would violate my wife's feelings to such an extent, as if I had killed her. A Kararu [man] always kills only a Kararu, just as a Materi kills only a Materi [man].
It must not be overlooked (forgotten) that pintara [involves] the relationship of a child to its father, just as marduka describes the relationship of children towards their mother. Moreover, it is even common to address one's own muramura as pintara.
e.g. sacred trees and ceremonial decorations. The Mura is regarded by all in general as pintara.
any individual thing towards which I enjoy a pintara relationship.
This word has the same meaning as pintara, but bears reference to the mother.
The pintara and marduka relationship allows a man to go into strange tribal territory, where either his father (if he settled down within another tribe) or his mother spent their childhood years. A man may stay there for a time without objection [being raised], and may hunt, fish, and the like.
e.g. her dog, her brothers, her sisters, her father, etc.
If many of these congregate, it is believed that the migratory rat will put in an appearance, because they devour the latter.
wherewith wind may be produced by magic.
On no account may a pirranguru relationship be established or maintained in secret. It must be known to everybody and be proclaimed in public, so that everybody knows how things stand, when both de facto couples appear together. Generally it is like this, that two married couples stand in a mutual de facto relationship: Reuther: "Wechselehe". both men have [sexual] intercourse with each other's wife, and vice versa; and not seldom [do the couples live together] for some time as [de facto] husband and wife. Since each husband has already for some time cast amorous glances at the wife of the other, both want to enter into a pirranguru relationship with each other's wife. After the affair has once more been discussed in detail, this is announced one night during a favourable opportunity in the hearing of all: both [parties] are now pirranguru, that is to say, one husband [accepts] the other's wife, and vice versa. Both wives call each other ngura wulu (two camps), while both husbands are mutual friends. Just as both men do so, also the two women stick together and love each other. This relationship is tantamount to a marital exchange. They frequently live together for a considerable time, and then part again. Neither of the two men raises an objection, when the other sleeps with his wife. An unmarried man can enjoy a pirranguru [relationship with a woman], if her husband is agreeable. Generally, however, they are given (receive) such women as have been other men's pirranguru, but whom these have now cast off because the girl promised to them (and whom they now take as wife) is almost grown to maturity. No girl may become a pirranguru. The marriage formula Reuther: "die Verbindungsform". in this case reads: pintamatija ngurumanawalkura jajeljajudlani this union is permanent and invulnerable by virtue of your mutual promises If it turns out that two married couples cannot get along with each other, they simply live in a de facto relationship, where the rule then applies: ngura puntibana to divide the camp. If, now, a woman gives birth to a child and it is uncertain as to which of the two is the rightful father, this is determined by the child's [physical] features, e.g. [its] big feet, facial features, nose, whether it is left or right-[handed, etc.]. On the occasion of the marriage of such a child, both men talk with the mother who then decides the issue.
Only the witchdoctors [claim to] see this.
The Southern Gross does this.
If a man is on a journey but does not reach his destination quickly, he tosses a handful of sand in the direction of his destination. Thereby he draws closer to his objective, or his objective is brought closer [to him].
by saying to the accompaniment of an invocatory song.
When, upon discovering the footprints of some hunters who have gone on ahead, one does not wish them to catch their quarry, one cries "fie" (pupana) on their footprints. This is a form of enchantment or bewitchment.
This is done when one is about to climb a mountain range, with the aim in view that it may diminish in height, so that one may be able to climb it more easily. Especially is this done when climbing the range at Parachilna Reuther mistakenly refers to "Farina". However, it was at Parachilna where this bukatu was collected for the purpose of bringing down ochre. [It is also done] so that one may not fall down.
In accordance with legend, all men [engaged in] fetching ochre singe the hair [off their bodies]. When they are nearing home and the people [from the camp] - who, of course, are covered in body hair - bring them food, the latter laugh them to scorn, because they are not as attractive, so to speak. They laugh at their muramura.
to deride or laugh at a camp to scorn. This is done by the collectors of chewing-tobacco. On their coming home, they laugh at the folks sitting in camp. Thereby they want to show off their noble exploits.
when a man, in the course of strangling another, kneads the soft area below [his victim's] ribs Reuther: "die Weichen". with his fists.
Prior to the circumcision of a young man, before he leaves his camp to go elsewhere for [this rite] to be carried out, a dishful of seed-pulp is placed in front of him. Running his hand through this seed-pulp, he flings it about to show that he will have nothing to do with [the people who have brought it to him].
Among the Jandruwanta the ceremonial song Reuther: "Goettergebetsgesang". for rain goes like this:
piripiri ampu ampujikaringatonaturukaritjikaritjima
.
piripiri
is the equivalent of spirit. In Diari [it is] the soul with a glorified body that never dies.
jampujampu
is balubaluru in Diari, [meaning] smooth; without branches; without face wrinkles; not ill-tempered; friendly-faced.
jikari
certainly; in truth
ngatona
I, [allied to] a transitive verb.
tuku
back,
karikaritjima
Note: There is a discrepancy between
karitjikaritjima
in the text above and
karikaritjima
in the meaning given below. Moreover, the imperative should read:
karitjimai!
. turn around! The meaning is: 'I appeal to you, embodied spirit, show a friendly face and do not turn your back on us, but send [us] rain!' At the same time the [appropriate] rituals Reuther: "die Formen". are performed which the muramura [himself] once carried out.
the body hairs are singed off.
An indication that a friend is coming.
Things that children and young people are prohibited from eating: kapiri, warukati, womangandri, Female carpet-snakes. marikilla pirna, milkiwaru, kakaturu, mudlakupa, markara, dukapi, S. Gason: "Thookabie" 'diver'. warukati, warukatikapi, 'emu eggs'. kudikapi, 'Swan eggs'. kirki, gildi. 'fat'. Should they eat of these, they will become old, grey, and arrogant.
The Southern Gross does this.
i.e. one who has been lawfully slain [in reprisal] for another, so that there is now peace.
i.e. first to marry illegally, then to marry a wife legitimately.
by means of an invocatory song.
The skins of these [birds] are utilized for [making] rugs, while the bag is used for carrying water. They lay their eggs at the Kunki Is this name possibly synonymous with the well-known "Coongie" Lake on a branch of the Cooper's Creek some 60 to 70 miles N.W. of Innamincka? and Blanche Lakes.
by tapering (sharpening) it at both ends.
on the part of both husband and wife.
by burning the magic bone more [and more].
to suck out the rubbish Reuther: "Unrat". at the seat [or source] of trouble. The kunki does this.
When he is first being made a man, the wiljaru opens his mouth widely and drinks the blood [offered to him].
to drink the blood that has been washed off a spear, wherewith a man has been killed. The young men have to do this, in order to become fearless.
to check time and again during the making, to see if it is straight.
The pinga does this.
tapana is used for eating the following fruits: kudnampirra, mpiampia, narimai, ngaliaru and nguratikiri.
This is placed in water and enchanted, so that it may absorb the water.
This is done to some [species]. Thereby they are supposed to get big and fat.
If no fish land in the net, a man goes down into the water, whistles into a hollow bone, and sings his mura [song]. The first fish to be caught is [then] licked [while the] man has bread (made of seed) in [his] mouth, Reuther: "wird mit Samenbrot as dem Mund beleckt". and allowed to swim again. This is expected to entice along (as it were) other fish.
when planning to help kill one's friend. Thereby one causes himself to become estranged, and wipes out (as it were) the friendship.
When a man has no more tobacco, he licks the very same coolamon in which he prepared the last [quantity]. The purpose of this is [to ensure] that some may soon become available again for collecting.
It is an indicator of water. Wherever the call of this bird is heard, there must be water nearby, because it always stays in the vicinity of water.
If anyone is secretly carrying a magic bone, this bird sings out and thereby becomes a betrayer [of the fact].
A friend or guest is treated with kind hospitality, so that he speaks well of the country [he has visited]. One usually speaks in flattering praise of the fine country of those people, from whom one has received [such] hospitality.
This is a wind-break built in semi-circular shape.
The witch-doctors wear these, so that their footprints cannot be detected.
This bird indicates [the presence of] woma and kapiri, for it always twitters around where these are [to be found].
From these landing-nets are made. They are also used as thread, e.g. for tying up the legs of skin water-bags, for sewing rugs, or for tying sticks together. They are dried, then placed in moist sand, split, and twisted.
This bird indicates [the presence of] water, for it lives in close proximity to water.
See the names of the various toa on the pictorial illustrations. Reuther: "auf den Bildern". The original "Bilder" or illustrations were depicted in their original colours on cards by the Killalpaninna school-teacher, Henry James Hillier, at Rev. Reuther's request. They are now preserved among the Reuther collection in the South Australian Museum. These toa are a type of sign-language. After they are made, they are placed inside [one of the] camp wurleys, so that they are not discoloured (washed out) by rain that may chance to fall. The 'native' visitor perceives from the various colours, from the toa's shape, or from the things that are pasted on the top [of it], whither the people have moved. The feathers, bones, or different plant [samples], etc. correspond to the place-name, [while] the colours and shapes indicate the nature of the terrain. For an explanation of the various place-names and of the toas, see in another book. . In the latter part of Vol. XI. Moreover, Vols. XII and XIII are particularly devoted to the Toas.
By throwing dust into the air at a by-passer, one wishes death to [overtake] him.
to throw sand into someone's mouth during an argument.
to plug the holes in the hollow tree of Darana, so that it rains.
of a dead person.
This [term] has particular reference to the earth. Since all [living] things rest at midday, the earth, too, takes her rest and nobody treads her [paths].
According to the Aborigines' point of view, an only-begotten daughter does not develop to the 'blossoming' stage, since she has no brother to represent and care for her. [Consequently], since this type of girl has no brother, the eldest son(s) of her father's brother espouses her cause and calls her his sister.
[It is claimed that] if an under-aged person eats this duck, he will turn grey.
These are people who were not born in the tribal country where they now live; people with whom one is not familiar; and people who assume a strange or even s hostile attitude. In the final sense [it means] even one's tribal relatives. Friendly-disposed neighbouring tribes are not tula. The word tula leans more towards [the idea of] hostility. How, now, does it come about that someone from a strange tribe should be able to infiltrate, when tribal boundaries are so strictly upheld! The [position] may be clarified by citing two examples. (1) How does a girl or a woman become a tula? Within one's own tribe a man may be suspected of having used sorcery against a dead man. [However,] this man has a large relationship or following, which would support him. Therefore, one does not dare to kill him, for this would stir up a lot of dust. [Instead] a secret message is sent to a strange, far-distant tribe to arm a troop of blood-avengers and [come and] invade the camp. This they will gladly do, for they will be well rewarded. The blood-avengers arrive and encircle the camp. The person in question is indicated by a wink of the eye, and thereupon is killed by the strangers. As a reward for this the strange warriors are presented with a girl to take back with them, whom they can arrange to marry at home. She is theirs. This girl or woman is a tula in that tribal territory. Her children, however, are [regarded as] indigenes. . Reuther: "Einheimische". (2) How does a man become a tula? As chance would have it, one man kills another [quite] unintentionally, perhaps with a boomerang. As soon as death has occurred, the killer makes his escape, for he will not be spared from the vendetta. He settles down among a strange, distant tribe, where he knows someone of the same mardu as himself. Here he is closely interrogated as to what happened. After negotiations with the tribal folk, the man concerned is regarded as a tula, but as an indigene he is no longer despised.
This is a sort of limestone that is burnt in the fire and then slaked in water. White is the "colour" [symbolizing] sorrow. When in mourning, a man smears himself with this gypseous clay, especially the head, beard, and face. (1) When a troop of blood-avengers goes out, every man smears himself white from head to foot, in order to make himself unrecognizable. (2) maljakapi is the name given to clumps of gypseous clay on a man's beard. (3) If a wife [or husband] dies, the other party does not go to the grave. He withdraws [to a distance] with his next-of-kin, smears himself with lime, and lives in a lonely, secluded wurley with some of his closest relatives. [Here] the mourner sits in mute silence, for the most part in a bark hut, [while] his friends attend to his livelihood. During the days of mourning he may not participate in any ceremony or [religious] festival, nor fetch any water, etc., since he is unclean. After a certain lapse of time the father or the grandmother - depending on circumstances - comes along, knocks the clumps [of clay] off his beard, and with the fingernails scrapes (rubs) the crumbs of gypsum from his body. Finally, the mourner is painted with red [ochre]. At this he sobs passionately once more, whereupon the mourning period is over. If the person concerned wishes to be painted with red [ochre] within a very short space of time, he/she is regarded as a bad widower/widow (mangawaru madlentji). The widower/widow then prepares a ceremonial meal, and [from thenceforward] may again take part in a ceremony or religious festival. (4) When a young man is circumcised, a white stripe is painted across his chest as a symbol of identification. (5) When a man requests [the increase of] paljangani edible resin, he takes some gypsum in his mouth and spatters it against the trees, at the same time chanting his ceremonial song, just like the muramura once did so. (6) During the mindiri [festival] the wimabilli cf. Vol. X, pp. 119 seq. paint the upper part of their bodies, whereupon they draw stripes across these with their fingernails. (7) During a request for rain some gypsum is mixed with fat, placed into a coolamon, and deposited in water. When gypsum is thrown into muddy water, the water becomes clear.
The following seeds are pounded: ngardu, kuntjiri, kalju, and wirra.
Made of fur and stuffed with grass, this [ball] is used for playing games.
This is done with all sorts of food and weapons.
Examples are in the following subsections.
Thereby the ceremonial head-dress is firmly secured. According to the colour of the head-band that is worn, it portends strife, happiness, [or] conflict.
This occurs in the case of: kanangara and wadla, kanangara and ngurawonpa, kanangara and kalki, and ngarlu and wadlanguru [seed].
Its sinews are used for [making] nets as well as [twisted] yarn for the sewing of rugs. The flesh is eaten; the furs are used for rugs.
[It is believed] the witchdoctors do this.
As many wadimoku are placed on a grave-mound as [the number of men] whom the deceased has helped to kill.
This is done by means of invocatory songs.
a mentally disturbed man was placed into hot sand, and in that way was cured.
When the wind ventures forth, it has no peace or rest until it has passed through the south to the east, north and west, and comes back again to the south. It is claimed that the wind has its abode in the south, and often ventures forth from the south to the north and west. On the way it is a wanta stranger, Reuther: "Fremdling". However, in his Vocabulary Vol. V, No.1465 the author gives "Reisender" 'traveller' as the meaning of wanta. until it comes back to its ngura kamaneli home; native country The [wind] from the east is named waribaka, from the north kalinguru, from the west kawalkatara, and from the south watara kilpa.
When petitions are made for wind, the watara mura totemic wind song is sung. A feather quill, attached to a piece of string, is secured to a post in or above the water, and is then "sung". If it is desirable to calm down the wind, a piece of unburnt red-ochre is taken into the mouth and sprayed into the wind. At the same time the ceremonial songs of Waparunguna and Tunumalkapari are sung.
This takes place at a ceremonial meal on behalf of a child.
by rubbing it with another stone.
[in order to refill them] with fat.
The ngilbieli sorceror does this, if they don't want to get married.
All hairs on the body are singed off, before one may participate in a sacred ceremony.
Any person who has sung the ngilbi-mura must now sing the good mura song.
Anyone who has touched a dead body must first wash himself with water and then rub himself [all over] with red ochre.
To mention someone by name, intending to kill him.
This [kind of song] has nothing in common with the songs [that are sung] at religious festivals [or sacred ceremonies]. There the expression applies: mura wonkana to sing one's ceremonial [or totemic] song. 'Songs' serve merely for pleasure and amusement.
i.e. a hollow piece of wood, into which a man blows at night when a corroboree (dance) is about to begin, so that the people congregate.
The devil does this before reaching a camp, in order to call up the witch-doctor.
The following are widlaia mangini women's occupations.
via which the spirit comes out of the grave.
The ngilbi do this by kindling fires.
The verb worarana to leave behind is used of buka food, billi net, kapi egg, etc.
It is commonly accepted that left-hand [throwers] are more accurate shots [or marksmen]. In a fight or skirmish left-hand throwers on the enemy's side are disliked, because their aim is accurate and their boomerangs take a different [line of] flight, since these are differently shaped. Consequently, to parry them is not so easy.
This is done in a fit of anger, when a person hasn't caught someone whom he wants to kill
name by which grandchildren call their grandfather
made of human hair or flax.